May 21st, 2020 • 3h 36m
Shownotes
Every new episode of No Agenda is accompanied by a comprehensive list of shownotes curated by Adam while preparing for the show. Clips played by the hosts during the show can also be found here.
TODAY
We are living in a very special transformational period
Spin Class
In order to make everyone comfortable during this time of transition, we are letting all our producers know that in compliance with social distancing guidelines we have filled some audience slots with Mannequins & sex dolls
Rogan
Has not discussed it with me specifically
But have pieced enough together to understand it
Venerable Position
YouTube demonetizing
Podcast apps being pulled from stores
Podcast Addict pulled from Play Store
Sun, 17 May 2020 23:58
likes this
This is what you get with monopolies. They are beholden to the government, who are owned by the oligarchs.
A real government would break up the oligopolies '' we haven't seen those days for decades.
My favorite podcast app '' the most popular on Android '' Podcast Addict has been booted from the store for allowing you to download any podcast '' including one that says unofficial things about COVID '' or as we know it here '' Coronavirushoax2020.
It's a bid of a blow to the developer, but in this brave new Covid world '' it just requires a bit of effort to work around the big boys and their rules.
I suspect so much of life will be living outside the box. Teaching survival skills to your family will be the ''new normal'' '' a phrase I hate.
Search for FDroid and other apps and read this reddit thread while you can to see reaction to this latest form of censorship.
Podcast Addict: "Google has just suspended Podcast Addict again. This time for having Podcasts about Covid 19'... Are you for real Google. Can you please check your own Google Podcast App, your search engine,Youtube, '... first" from Android
Google has just suspended Podcast Addict again. This time for having Podcasts about Covid 19'... Are you for real Google. Can you please check your own Google Podcast App, your search engine,Youtube, '... first''
No tags for this post.
Alex Jones Apple ban
8 minutes of ads leading into show
Skippable
Content Issues
covid-19 discussions - YouTube
having doctors on to discuss
alternatives
Basic Good Health
Google bans Podcast Addict app after 9 years for letting users play podcasts that reference COVID-19
Tue, 19 May 2020 11:28
One of the most popular podcast players on the Google Play store, Podcast Addict, has been suspended on the grounds that some of the podcasts it indexes reference the coronavirus but aren't approved by government entities or public health organizations.
According to the now-removed Google Play store listing for Podcast Addict, it was the number one podcast app on Android with over 9 million downloads and over 2 billion podcast episodes downloaded through the app.
It had over 500,000 user ratings with an average rating of 4.7/5 and had been on the Google Play Store for more than nine years.
Podcast Addict was one of the most popular podcast apps in the Google Play store (Wayback Machine '' Google Play store '' Podcast Addict)Google told Xavier Guillemane, the developer of Podcast Addict, that the app had been removed due to its references to COVID-19:
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''Pursuant to Section 8.3 of the Developer Distribution Agreement and the Enforcement policy, apps referencing COVID-19, or related terms, in any form will only be approved for distribution on Google Play if they are published, commissioned, or authorized by official government entities or public health organizations.''
In order to get the app restored, Google is asking Guillemane to remove references to COVID-19 and keywords related to COVID-19 from the app.
Google told Podcast Addict the app was removed for referencing the coronavirus without authorization from official government entities or public health organizations (Twitter @PodcastAddict)Podcasts player apps such as Podcast Addict connect users with podcasts but don't actually host the content.
The way podcast apps serve up this content is similar to how web browsers connect users with websites but don't actually host any of the content on those websites.
What Google is asking of Podcast Addict would be comparable to Google asking a web browser app to remove references to all the websites and social media posts that reference the coronavirus unless the reference comes from an official government entity or public health organization.
Additionally, Google isn't applying these same rules to its own podcast app '' Google Podcasts.
Searching for ''coronavirus''or ''COVID-19'' in Google Podcasts returns podcasts from mainstream media outlets that aren't endorsed by government entities or public health organizations.
Google Podcasts links to several podcasts about the coronavirus which aren't endorsed by government entities or public health organizationsExisting Podcast Addict users who have the app installed can still use it as normal and get automatic updates but they won't be able to make in-app purchases until the app is restored to the Google Play store.
New and returning users who want to install Podcast Addict on a new device also won't be able to do it via the Google Play store.
This means users who paid for premium features of the app will be blocked from installing the app with those features on new devices via the Google Play Store unless Google reverses its decision.
Another impact of the suspension is that Google AdMob, the service Podcast Addict uses to display ads in the app to support its development, has stopped serving ads.
Google AdMob stopped sending ads in Podcast Addict because of the suspension (Twitter @PodcastAddict)For now, Podcast Addict is distributing the official version of the app via an Android Application Package (APK) which users can sideload onto their devices but this sideloaded version won't appear in Android Auto '' a feature that allows users to mirror their Android devices to the dashboard of compatible cars.
Podcast Addict discussed the impact the suspension is likely to have on its app and tweeted that it ''basically doesn't exist'' once the listing is gone due to the dominance of Google's store when it comes to Android app distribution.
Additionally, Podcast Addict noted that Google's requested ''fix'' for the app will result in it being published as a new download which means the 9 million+ downloads and 500,000+ reviews that it has accumulated on the Google Play store over the last nine years will be wiped out.
Podcast Addict described the situation as '' really depressing'' and wrote that not having any control over the situation as an independent developer who has spent nine years working on the app is ''the worst feeling.''
Guillemane is predicting that in the best-case scenario, the situation will take 21 days to resolve which means thousands of existing users will be lost because they are unable to install Podcast Addict on their new Android devices.
The whole situation serves as yet another example of the collateral damage caused by Google and other big tech companies when they introduce policies that prescribe what users are allowed to say about the coronavirus and restrict who is allowed to comment on it.
Very clear this is a licensing deal
May not be exclusive yet, or ever
Could be waiting for other offers
Could be idealistic
Definitely self preservative
Possible that Video is exclusive and there will be an ad sponsored one outside of their 'universe'
Effects
The Medium is the Message
The distribution method matters
It is a part of context
pirates
fuck the man
Howard Stern?
Not the same circumstances
Algos
Here's where there's a problem: surfacing and exposure of video
YouTube is more important than we realize
Recommendations
Feed
Who wil own the feed and url?
Can I buy it?
Spotify
Needs the revenue without per stream cost
Needs to keep people in their wheelhouse
Appear to have a Netflix strategy
Will need a lot of $$ for this
Also, this will breed competitors
Podcast Connect Numbers 100% -> 200% -> 500% -> 2000% -> 1800%
When M5M went apeshit over corona, everyone retreated to their tribes and that kept them sane with normalcy
Spotify Signs Top Podcaster Joe Rogan to Exclusive Deal - Barron's
Tue, 19 May 2020 15:59
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Joe Rogan Photograph by Alex Trautwig/Getty Images Spotify Technology made a mic-dropping announcement on Tuesday, signing a multiyear licensing deal with top podcaster Joe Rogan that will run exclusively on its platform.
Shares of Spotify (ticker: SPOT) rose nearly 10% on the news on Tuesday, at $176.92. For the year, the stock is up about 15%.
No single personality has the reach and influence of Rogan. His show regularly tops the charts of the most-popular podcasts each week, and he reportedly made $30 million on the medium last year. Podcast Insights ranks it as the second-most popular podcast available, based on Apple podcasting data. Rogan said last year that the podcast gets downloaded 190 million times a month
The terms of the deal, including the length and value of the contract, were not released. The Joe Rogan Experience will go live on Spotify in September and will become exclusive to the platform later in the year.
The fact that the deal is exclusive makes it a game-changer, akin to Howard Stern's move from free radio to Sirius XM Holdings (SIRI) in 2006.
Up until now, nearly all podcasts have been available on multiple platforms, meaning that listeners had no particular incentive to choose one platform over another. It is a bit like free radio in that respect. If podcast platforms own the content, that makes them more like Netflix (NFLX).
And it could change Spotify's business model, at least partially. Spotify doesn't own most of the music it streams, which is the biggest reason the company remains unprofitable despite its dominant role in music streaming. The company pays out about 70% of its revenue to the companies that own rights to the songs and the artists.
Whether the move is profitable, however, depends on how much the company is paying Rogan and how much it can make from new subscribers and ads. For now, podcasting is not a very large industry as compared with other kinds of media. In the U.S., it brought in about $479 million worth of ad dollars in 2018, according to the latest report from IAB and PwC says. The 2019 report has not been released yet.
Spotify has been buying podcasting production companies, spending more than $400 million in 2019. But most of those shows, from companies like Gimlet, had remained available on rival platforms including Apple's (AAPL) podcasting app. The company had previously described podcasting as an added benefit for listeners, and one that could lead to advertising revenue. In addition to paid subscriptions, Spotify has a free, ad-supported subscription option.
Spotify said earlier this year that it was ''now seeing clear indications that podcast usage is driving increased overall engagement and retention.''
''Our podcast users spend almost twice the time on the platform, and spend even more time listening to music,'' CEO Daniel Ek said last year.
Spotify's top competitor Apple has not invested as heavily in podcasts, and it isn't clear if Apple will now try to make some podcasts exclusive to its platform.
''By securing this deal, Spotify has effectively rounded out what has turned out to be a near-comprehensive invasion of the podcast space'--it's genuinely hard to see how Apple, the ecosystem's incumbent facilitator and rival for podcast dominance by default, can match up against this... or anyone else, for that matter,'' wrote Nick Quah, who follows podcasting in his newsletter Hot Pod.
For people who like podcasts, the news is worrisome. The days of free listening across platforms may be over.
Write to Avi Salzman at avi.salzman@barrons.com
Ministry of Truthiness
Censorship Alert: Facebook Flags Nobel Prize Winning Scientist's Findings on Coronavirus as 'False Information' '' RAIR
Wed, 20 May 2020 07:48
On April 19, 2020, RAIR Foundation USA published an article about Luc Montagnier, the 2008 winner of the Nobel Prize in Medicine for the identification of the virus responsible for AIDS. In a RAIR exclusively-translated video, the French scientist asserts that the Chinese coronavirus was engineered and not of natural origin.
Facebook, however, confidently disputes Montagnier's claim and flagged RAIR's Facebook post as ''false information'' based on an article from ''Science Feedback,'' a sister organization to ''Climate Feedback,'' a self-proclaimed ''worldwide network of scientists sorting fact from fiction in climate change media coverage,'' or in other words, a leftist group who seeks to shut down anyone who dares question the man-made global warming orthodoxy.
Watch:
RAIR Foundation USAIt is known that SARS escaped a lab in Beijing, and that China covered it up. But in the case of the current pandemic, one is attacked for merely questioning whether the coronavirus was engineered in a lab.
Consider the vitriol dripping from this Buzzfeed article from April 22, 2020:
A provocative and unproven theory is gaining traction on Fox News and in other right-wing media: The novel coronavirus originated inside of a Chinese lab.
Some version of the theory is appealing to President Donald Trump and his supporters, because it gives them an easy scapegoat to blame for the pandemic. And more outlandish versions of it circulate in certain corners of the internet, with some suggesting the novel coronavirus was intentionally released as a bioweapon. That claim has been swiftly knocked down by scientists.
It is unclear when citizens designated Facebook as the gatekeepers of accurate information. If false information is being disseminated, surely people can work out among themselves what is credible without the help of a biased social media platform.
''Genomic analyses indicate that the [corona]virus has a natural origin, and was not engineered,'' the ''Fact-Check'' chastises.
Screenshot of Facebook Error Message Luc Antoine Montagnier The website designated by Facebook as the ultimate Ministry of Truth, healthfeedback.org, describes itself as a ''non-partisan, non-profit organization dedicated to science education.'' Science editor Flora Teoh has shot down several articles including a viral video by Epoch Times (which used the expert opinion of Danielle E. Anderson, Assistant Professor, Duke-NUS Medical School, and as pointed out by journalist Sharyl Attkisson, a scientist from the Wuhan lab), as well as an article at the New York Post, both of which dared to question the origin of the coronavirus.
The one ''reviewer'' for the Montagnier article is Senior Research Fellow, also of the Duke-NUS Medical School, Aaron T. Irving, who also trashed similar findings from an academic paper posted by Indian scientists titled ''Uncanny similarity of unique inserts in the 2019-nCoV spike protein to HIV-1 gp120 and Gag'' from the end of January that has since been withdrawn likely due to intense political pressure.
Based in Singapore, Flora Teoh is available to ''produce compelling narratives'' in the field of science for a mere $30 per hour. Surely she would know much more than Luc Antoine Montagnier, the Nobel Laureate who ''led the team that identified the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)''.
You, too, can hire Dr. Flora to ''produce compelling narratives'' (Screenshot)The Chinese Communist Party (CCP), who initially covered up the coronavirus with the help of the Marxist, CCP-supported World Health Organization Director General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, desperately wants the world to believe that the pandemic has a natural origin. The CCP and their allies, like Facebook, would have much more credibility if they did not not attempt to shut down legitimate discussion about the origin of the coronavirus.
Support our work at RAIR Foundation USA! We are a grassroots activist team and we need your help! Please consider making a donation here: https://rairfoundation.com/donate/
CONFIRMED: Governor Whitmer Begs Michiganders Not to Travel to their Summer Home -- Then Her Cars Are Seen Parked Outside of HER SUMMER HOME!
Thu, 21 May 2020 05:22
Tyrannical Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer signed an executive order that banned regular Michiganders from traveling between residences in the state. Whitmer banned travel to summer homes.
Whitmer extended the ban on traveling to summer homes thru April 30th. The ban was lifted but Governor Whitmer begged Michiganders not to travel up north.
Joe Biden is looking at Gretchen Whitmer as his possible running mate!
Evidently the rules does not apply to the elites like Gretchen Whitmer or her family.
Radio host Randy Bishop posted a photo today of several vehicles at Governor Whitmer's summer home in or near Birch Lake, Michigan.
TRENDING: AIN'T GONNA HAPPEN: Alan Dershowitz Says Americans Can be Forced to Take Coronavirus Vaccine (VIDEO)
Tonight we researched the license plate on the Tahoe in Gretchen's summer home driveway.
Guess what we found?
The vehicle belongs to a Marc Mallory from Lansing, Michigan.
Guess who Marc Mallory is married to?That's correct Governor Gretchen Whitmer.
Gretchen and Marc were at their summer home today.
Gretchen doesn't want you to visit your summer home but she will.She must love her new power.
"Mass casualty incident": 600 doctors sign letter to Trump calling for end to lockdowns over health concerns | Disrn
Thu, 21 May 2020 05:34
More than 600 doctors signed and sent a letter to President Trump urging him to reopen the U.S. economy, calling the coronavirus lockdowns a "mass casualty incident" with "exponentially growing health consequences."
The letter warns that tens of millions of Americans are at immediate risk of serious health concerns or death directly caused by the shutdown due to issues such as missed preventative healthcare checkups, suicide, alcoholism, drug abuse, homelessness, heart attacks, and strokes.
"We are alarmed at what appears to be the lack of consideration for the future health of our patients," the letter reads. "The downstream health effects of deteriorating a level are being massively under-estimated and under-reported. This is an order of magnitude error."
Dear Mr. President:Thousands of physicians in all specialties and from all States would like to express our gratitude for your leadership. We write to you today to express our alarm over the exponentially growing negative health consequences of the national shutdown.
In medical terms, the shutdown was a mass casualty incident.
During a mass casualty incident, victims are immediately triaged to black, red, yellow, or green. The first group, triage level black, includes those who require too many resources to save during a mass crisis. The red group has severe injuries that are survivable with treatment, the yellow group has serious injuries that are not immediately life threatening, and the green group has minor injuries.
The red group receives highest priority. The next priority is to ensure that the other two groups do not deteriorate a level. Decades of research have shown that by strictly following this algorithm, we save the maximum number of lives.
Millions of Americans are already at triage level red. These include 150,000 Americans per month who would have had a new cancer detected through routine screening that hasn't happened, millions who have missed routine dental care to fix problems strongly linked to heart disease/death, and preventable cases of stroke, heart attack, and child abuse. Suicide hotline phone calls have increased 600%.
Tens of millions are at triage level yellow. Liquor sales have increased 300-600%, cigarettes sales have increased, rent has gone unpaid, family relationships have become frayed, and millions of well-child check-ups have been missed.
Hundreds of millions are at triage level green. These are people who currently are solvent, but at risk should economic conditions worsen. Poverty and financial uncertainty is closely linked to poor health.
A continued shutdown means hundreds of millions of Americans will downgrade a level. The following are real examples from our practices.
Patient E.S. is a mother with two children whose office job was reduced to part-time and whose husband was furloughed. The father is drinking more, the mother is depressed and not managing her diabetes well, and the children are barely doing any schoolwork.
Patient A.F. has chronic but previously stable health conditions. Her elective hip replacement was delayed, which caused her to become nearly sedentary, resulting in a pulmonary embolism in April.
Patient R.T. is an elderly nursing home patient, who had a small stroke in early March but was expected to make a nearly complete recovery. Since the shutdown, he has had no physical or speech therapy, and no visitors. He has lost weight, and is deteriorating rather than making progress.
Patient S.O. is a college freshman who cannot return to normal life, school, and friendships. He risks depression, alcohol abuse, drug abuse, trauma, and future financial uncertainty.
We are alarmed at what appears to be the lack of consideration for the future health of our patients. The downstream health effects of deteriorating a level are being massively under-estimated and under-reported. This is an order of magnitude error.
It is impossible to overstate the short, medium, and long-term harm
to people's health with a continued shutdown. Losing a job is one of life's most stressful events, and the effect on a person's health is not lessened because it also has happened to 30 million other people. Keeping schools and universities closed is incalculably detrimental for children, teenagers, and young adults for decades to come.The millions of casualties of a continued shutdown will be hiding in plain sight, but they will be called alcoholism, homelessness, suicide, heart attack, stroke, or kidney failure. In youths it will be called financial instability, unemployment, despair, drug addiction, unplanned pregnancies, poverty, and abuse.
Because the harm is diffuse, there are those who hold that it does not exist. We, the undersigned, know otherwise.
Please let us know if we may be of assistance.
2020
Truth over Facts response from M5M could be counter-meausure
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People in line at Home Depot. Tell me again why they can’t vote?
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'Grossly incompetent': Trump dismisses Obama over coronavirus criticism
Sun, 17 May 2020 15:40
President Donald Trump. | Alex Brandon/AP Photo
President Donald Trump on Sunday dismissed his predecessor as ''grossly incompetent,'' a day after former President Barack Obama said leaders weren't ''even pretending to be in charge'' amid the coronavirus pandemic.
Asked about Obama's comments, Trump first told a pool of reporters at the White House that administration officials ''had a great weekend'' during a working trip to Camp David.
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''We did a lot of terrific meetings, tremendous progress is being made on many fronts, including coming up with a cure for this horrible plague that has beset our country,'' he said.
When pressed further, Trump added: ''Look, he was an incompetent president. That's all I can say. Grossly incompetent.''
Since leaving office, Obama has largely avoided weighing in on politics or how his successor is doing. But recently, with the coronavirus outbreak taking a huge toll on the country, he has become more outspoken.
In April, 20.5 million Americans lost their jobs and unemployment was at 14.7 percent. As states ease coronavirus restrictions, the spread continues: There are nearly 1.5 million cases and more than 89,000 deaths in the U.S. The Trump administration has been criticized for a delayed response to the outbreak and a lack of organization in providing tests and medical supplies.
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Last week, on a call with roughly 3,000 former staffers, Obama said the government has taken on a ''What's in it for me?'' mindset, and he called the White House's pandemic response ''an absolute chaotic disaster.''
On Saturday, in a virtual address to graduates of historically black colleges and universities, Obama broached the topic again: ''This pandemic has fully, finally torn back the curtain on the idea that so many of the folks in charge know what they're doing.''
He didn't name names, but the implication was clear.
Trump calling his predecessor incompetent is not new. He has railed against inheriting what he has called an ineffective and ''broken'' system when he came into office. He has said he won't be asking former presidents for help because he wasn't ''going to learn much.'' And in 2013, before his presidential aspirations were in the picture, Trump tweeted: ''Who thinks that President Obama is totally incompetent?''
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But the president's brief comments on Sunday come as he pushes the unfounded ''Obamagate'' conspiracy theory, alleging that officials in the previous administration sought to undermine Trump and target his top associates '-- like former national security adviser Michael Flynn '-- with the Russia investigation.
''It's like hitting conspiracy bingo." Here's how fringe groups and extremists are seizing this moment to peddle dangerous messages online.
Trump even began pushing Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell to more aggressively look into the origins of the investigation into Russia's interference in the 2016 election. McConnell, along with most Republicans, has been cautious on embracing Trump's position.
On Sunday morning, White House economic adviser Peter Navarro also had a strongly worded defense of the administration's handling of pandemic mitigation.
''I'm glad Mr. Obama has a new job as Joe Biden's press secretary,'' Navarro said on ABC's ''This Week,'' referring to the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee. ''As far as I'm concerned, his administration was a kumbaya of incompetence in which we saw millions of manufacturing jobs go off to China.''
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Washington Post Roundly Mocked For 'Bizarre' Stacey Abrams Profile Comparing Her To 'A Runway Supermodel' - The Daily Caller
Mon, 18 May 2020 12:26
The Washington Post was mocked after publishing a dramatic profile of former Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams on May 14.
WaPo's profile includes a long description comparing Abrams, who has been pitching herself as Joe Biden's running mate pick, to ''a runway supermodel.'' It is titled ''The Power of Stacey Abrams'' and claims Abrams ''has moved quickly to political prominence.''
The article also says that ''whether or not she's chosen as Biden's running mate,'' Abrams ''has moved into a unique space in American politics.''
''Pandemonium ensues as she [Abrams] walks to the far left of the stage, like a runway supermodel, stops on a dime, poses, tilts her head slightly and smiles,'' WaPo's profile on Abrams reads. ''Camera flashes explode. She next pivots and walks slowly to the center of the stage, freezes there and repeats the pose. Again, the flashes explode. Abrams is summoning her inner actress, and she is both enjoying the moment and getting through it to get to the conversation.''
''She then pivots and walks to the far right of the stage, same. You wonder whether she has done this before, because it is not necessarily what one would expect from a 46-year-old politician who was nearly elected the first black female governor in U.S. history.''
Abrams's feature in WaPo sparked many to mock the publication's ''bizarre'' piece on the vice presidential hopeful.
'' Have any Wash Post reporters resigned in embarrassment this morning?'' Stephen L. Miller, host of the ''Versus Media Podcast'' on Patreon, tweeted Sunday morning. ''No? Cool, so we're all on board with supermodel Stacey Abrams then.''
''How does something like this even make it past editors who care about their reputations?'' Miller wrote in another tweet, highlighting the paragraph where Abrams is compared to a supermodel.
Josh Jordan pointed out the superhero-like image of Abrams included in the piece, which shows her wearing a flowing cap against a godly background. (RELATED: Biden Punts Abrams As Veep Pick After O'Donnell Asks Him To Announce)
''The desire from so many in the media to make Abrams into a larger than life superhero is bizarre and telling,'' Jordan tweeted.
New York Post reporter Jon Levine wrote that it was ''disturbing that so many of my colleagues at other news orgs don't realize how bad this kind of hagiography makes us look.''
The comments included assurances that the piece is, in fact, real. The profile was written by left-wing activist Kevin Powell, who has made numerous unsuccessful runs for Congress. Powell said on his LinkedIn before publication that it was ''a big piece'' about Abrams, whom he described as ''a visionary leader.''
''Been incredible witnessing her in action,'' Powell declared.
Stacey Abrams has ascended to political prominence. How has she harnessed so much power in so little time? - The Washington Post
Sun, 17 May 2020 20:28
There is a big buzz at the Loudermilk Conference Center in downtown Atlanta as a gathering called Paradigm Shift 2.0: Black Women Confronting HIV, Health and Social Justice gets underway. Three hundred registered participants have journeyed from across the country to discuss the many challenges and possibilities facing black women and girls. The second day's morning keynote was delivered by radical activist and professor Angela Davis. The hype has been building exponentially for lunchtime guest speaker Stacey Abrams.
When she is finally introduced the women shout and leap to their feet. Young women stand on chairs, camera phones flash. Abrams, who appears both amused and slightly disturbed by the fuss over her, takes control of the chaotic scene. I've witnessed this level of affection for very few political leaders in the Democratic circles I've been in since the 1980s. They have the last names Clinton (both Hillary and Bill), Sanders, Warren, Jackson and Obama (both Michelle and Barack).
''I'm going to make sure there is peace in this room,'' Abrams says. ''Y'all are about to annoy each other with these cameras, so I'm going to stand up and I'm going to stand in front of each group of you. Take pictures so you can put your camera down.''
(Dana Scruggs for The Washington Post)Pandemonium ensues as she walks to the far left of the stage, like a runway supermodel, stops on a dime, poses, tilts her head slightly and smiles. Camera flashes explode. She next pivots and walks slowly to the center of the stage, freezes there and repeats the pose. Again, the flashes explode. Abrams is summoning her inner actress, and she is both enjoying the moment and getting through it to get to the conversation. She then pivots and walks to the far right of the stage, same. You wonder whether she has done this before, because it is not necessarily what one would expect from a 46-year-old politician who was nearly elected the first black female governor in U.S. history. She lost by fewer than 2 percentage points in the 2018 Georgia race riddled with allegations of voter suppression. Before that, she was a state legislator who had served as a leader in the Georgia General Assembly for a decade. Now her name is on political pundits' shortlists of potential running mates for Joe Biden. She also happens to have predicted that she'll be elected president by 2040.
Just as quickly Abrams leaves the runway and returns to politics. Taking her seat with the moderator, she dives into why she is here and why she believes the leadership of women matters. ''We live in a time where we have purported leaders who claim to speak for us but do not know us, and in that ignorance, they make decisions that are designed not for our success but for our demise,'' she says. ''So my deep suspicion is that some people are lying when they say they care about us.''
The balloon of silence in the meeting room is punctured, time and again, by ''Amen'' and ''Preach'' and ''You go, girl.''
''When I ran for governor, I did not run simply for me. We went around this state to all 159 counties, and everywhere we went we talked about the power of people to make a choice,'' Abrams tells the crowd. ''On November 6th, when malfeasance and incompetence and my opponent who was a cartoon villain stole the voices of Georgians when he purged 1.4 million voters and oversaw the shutdown of 214 precincts that left 50,000 to 60,000 people without the ability to vote, when Georgia had the longest lines in the nation and the highest rejection rates of absentee ballots and provisional ballots,'' Abrams continues, ''It was not just about me. He was doing that to Georgians.''
Abrams pauses for a moment, allowing her words to simmer. The audience cheers as she smiles broadly.
''And the thing is, if I had fought back and said, 'I am going to contest this election and make myself governor,' then everyone who loved me and stood with me would have thought, 'Well, this is about her fight.' My responsibility was instead to focus on the right to vote and not my right to be governor. I had no right to be governor, but I have an obligation to do the work that I said I would do if I were governor.''
Voting rights. Responsibility. Possibilities. These are the ideas and values that come up often with Stacey Abrams and her team. I heard them over and over again during the weeks I followed her around earlier this year, in Miami, in New York, in Atlanta, and listened to her give interviews and hold public conversations. She has opened up a nationwide dialogue about voting rights but has also been accused by political pundits of too aggressively pushing herself as Biden's VP choice. What Abrams seems to know is that she must be persuasive and make her own case for her fitness for higher office '-- and history would suggest that she's right to do so. Commentators have wondered whether Abrams, who has not yet won a statewide election, would be ready to serve as vice president.
Whether or not she's chosen as Biden's running mate, she has moved into a unique space in American politics. DuBose Porter, former chair of the Georgia Democratic Party, told me she is ''brilliant,'' praise that comes in spite of what some view as a relatively thin political r(C)sum(C). But we live in an era in which an extensive political background hardly matters anymore '-- Donald Trump had never been elected to office before his 2016 win. Like former South Bend, Ind., mayor Pete Buttigieg, whose long-shot campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination made him a household name, Abrams doesn't have the baggage of years of votes on Capitol Hill; she doesn't have a fraught record on criminal justice that comes with having served as an attorney general, nor does she face the accusation of being out of touch because she has spent years in Washington.
At this conference it's easy to be reminded that black women have long been the most loyal supporters of the Democratic Party. They carried Doug Jones to his senatorial victory in Alabama in 2018 and were key to kick-starting Biden's presidential campaign when it was thought to be dead, helping to lift him to victory in South Carolina's Democratic primary. So perhaps it was only a matter of time before a black woman, especially a black woman from the American South, would rise up as a national leader and a power broker for democracy in a way we have not often seen, aside from Fannie Lou Hamer's brief but landmark speech at the 1964 Democratic National Convention and Shirley Chisholm's historic ''unbought and unbossed'' run for president in 1972.
Abrams's roots and family history have echoes of the civil rights movement, and her Southern heritage is key to her appeal. It helps explain why she has soared to prominence while serving as a standard-bearer for a new kind of multicultural and multigenerational agenda. In the last presidential campaign cycle, the racial breakdown of Democrats outside of the South was roughly 60 percent white, 17 percent African American and 23 percent Latino, according to a 2016 Blair Center Poll. In the states that form the South, those numbers were 38 percent white, 37 percent African American and 25 percent Latino. In her runs for the Georgia legislature and governor, Abrams built a coalition that excited this new Georgia. She believes she can do the same on the national stage.
Abrams's special adviser, Chelsey Hall, tells me that in the 2018 gubernatorial race the campaign had to contend with doubters and ''convince her own people that she was viable and electable for that position. Even the people that had been supporting since she became Democratic minority leader [of the General Assembly] or her first race. There were so many times where we would have emotional moments during call time because people that she trusted, that had been supporting her since 2006, 2011 were saying, 'But you are a black woman. How is this possible?' ''
Abrams is the first black woman in U.S. history to have won the gubernatorial nomination of either major party. She garnered more votes than any Democrat who has run statewide in Georgia. She lost by just over 50,000 votes to Georgia Secretary of State Brian Kemp.
Kemp was not only her opponent, but his office oversaw everything to do with voting, including how the voter registration rolls were purged. It would be like Tom Brady not only being the quarterback of his team, but the referee and the scorekeeper as well. Kemp's office cut nearly 700,000 names from the rolls in the two years leading to the election, and more than 200 polling places were closed, primarily in poor and minority neighborhoods.
Abrams chose not to concede to Kemp, because she believes voters were disenfranchised. She has said she went through all the stages of grief for 10 days and then got back to work. She has spent the time since leveraging the power she gained and deciding how she wants to use it.
A mural in Atlanta in April. Abrams moved to the city with her family when she was a teenager in 1989. (Elijah Nouvelage for The Washington Post)Stacey Abrams lives in a simple blue townhouse in a diverse middle-class neighborhood on the east side of Atlanta. Her modestly furnished home is filled with a wide range of books, including the four she's currently absorbing: ''The City We Became'' by N.K. Jemisin, ''Huey Long'' by T. Harry Williams, ''A Problem From Hell'' by Samantha Power and ''A Place for Us'' by Fatima Farheen Mirza. There is art, some centered on black America, but also pieces from her travels internationally that are Australian aboriginal, South Korean, French, Chinese. Framed photographs of family and friends are spread throughout as well.
This home is a major expansion of the Gulfport, Miss., house she grew up in, where her family of eight had to convert the dining room to a bedroom for her two brothers, Richard and Walter. It feels like a sanctuary to protect Abrams from the many demands on her time. Abrams, who is single with no children, arrived in Atlanta as a 15-year-old in 1989 when her parents decided to attend Methodist divinity school. Aside from stints for graduate school at the University of Texas (master's in public affairs) and Yale Law School in Connecticut, Atlanta is where she has mostly lived since departing Mississippi. I ask Abrams about her life in Mississippi.
''I only remember living on South Street in Gulfport, Mississippi,'' she says. ''2020 South Street was a red-brick house with azalea bushes that ran along the front. There was an oak tree in the front yard, and it had such big limbs and so many leaves that grass couldn't grow underneath it. But you could climb that tree, and you could see everything.''
Abrams's parents picked that street so that she and her siblings could attend one of the better schools in the area. It was one of many lessons she learned growing up about the division of resources along racial lines and navigating those divisions. ''It was less a black community than we lived on a 'black street.' There were these two streets that were adjacent to the middle-class, predominantly white part of town to get zoned into the middle-class school. ... We lived on the two streets that were all black until the Brooks family came. ... All the streets got nicer names as you went further in, so those were predominantly white. My parents understood that education was the essential ingredient to success for both of them. My mom is the only one of her siblings to finish high school. My dad is the first man in his family to go to college.''
Abrams excelled in academics and was always in advanced studies, which meant she was routinely the only black student in her classes. Because one of the two TV channels that the family received was PBS, Abrams watched that network religiously, read the dictionary and devoured the books and encyclopedias her parents managed to buy for their children.
''I think my mom is the reason I started reading the encyclopedia and the dictionary, because I would ask questions and she was like, 'Go look it up.' '' she says. ''Finally I figured if I wanted to know everything, I just needed to read everything.''
Abrams's roots and family history have echoes of the civil rights movement, and her Southern heritage is key to her appeal.
Abrams also tells me that she and her sisters like to say their dad '-- a track star in college who once had pro football tryouts with the Green Bay Packers and the Dallas Cowboys '-- is the first feminist they ever met. ''He will tell you before anyone else will that he thinks my mom is the smartest person he knows. ... It is a true belief that there is no division of capacity that comes along with gender. He raised us with that understanding, and we never questioned it.''
Her interests were vast: physics, chemistry, history, psychology, mythologies, biographies, poetry. During our conversation Abrams recalls speeches, debates and poetry that she studied in her youth, and recites from memory the opening stanza of Paul Laurence Dunbar's poem ''We Wear the Mask.''
We wear the mask that grins and lies,
It hides our cheeks and shades our eyes, '--
This debt we pay to human guile;
With torn and bleeding hearts we smile,
And mouth with myriad subtleties.
Abrams draws no boundaries around most music genres, either.
''When I was in 10th grade I was having a conversation with a friend, and I said, 'I hate country music.' And she said, 'Why?' And I didn't have an answer. So I made myself listen to every radio station on the radio for two weeks each. But then when I engaged people ... I could use that complexity of my musical likes to talk. And the same thing was true from what I read. My mom and dad basically let me read; if I could reach it, I could read it.''
When the family moved to Atlanta, Abrams ended up at a performing arts high school, where she became her class's valedictorian. College was next. ''I applied to Spelman, Swarthmore, Vassar, Sarah Lawrence. I was leaving the South,'' she says, recalling that the South was all she knew, and she wanted a different experience. ''I only applied to Spelman because my mother tricked me into it.''
At Spelman College, a historically black women's college in Atlanta, she had double majors in physics and philosophy, with a minor in theater. It was the first time she would be steeped so broadly in black life and culture outside of her family home. Johnnetta Cole, who later led the Smithsonian National Museum of African Art and was the school's president at the time, became Abrams's mentor. Cole encouraged young Abrams '-- who was perpetually raising her voice '-- to get involved, attend meetings and bring about change. Abrams did that and then some, on and off campus. When the Rodney King verdict came down in Los Angeles in April 1992, acquitting the four police officers who brutally beat the motorist, Atlanta and many other U.S. cities exploded into protest and violent rebellion. A couple of months later, Abrams was in the back of a protest, watching, when some young black folks burned the Georgia state flag because it contained the Confederate symbol (she did not personally hold the flag as it burned, but she organized the protest and obtained the permit), a fact that her opponents raised during her run for governor. Soon after that incident, Spelman hosted a town hall with Atlanta Mayor Maynard Jackson in which Abrams dissed the work of the first African American elected to lead a major Southern city.
''I berated him for not doing enough for young people,'' Abrams recalls. ''I was very irate and then ... I gave them my number, and I gave my parents' number. '[Here's] where I'm going to be, if you have any questions.' '' Jackson was very offended and questioned what Abrams knew. It was a bold move for a young woman to challenge a trailblazing black man who was seen as an important leader throughout the South. She told him that she attended city council meetings and zoning meetings and that she knew he wasn't doing enough. The town hall aired on local television. Despite the confrontation, when Jackson created an Office of Youth Services the next year, 1993, she was the only undergrad college student hired. It was her first taste of life in politics.
After Spelman and graduate and law school, Abrams became a tax lawyer because working in the mayor's office showed her that if she wanted to be a public servant, she needed to learn how the entire system worked. At age 29 Abrams was appointed deputy city attorney by Mayor Shirley Franklin, another history-making Southern black politician. Franklin was the first woman to hold the post and the first black woman to be elected mayor of a major Southern city. Abrams ran for and was elected as a state representative in 2006; she rose quickly in the Georgia legislature and became Democratic Party minority leader in 2011.
She calls herself a ''pragmatist,'' which is a necessary asset for a Democrat in a state long controlled by Republicans. She also embraces the label ''progressive''; in the race for governor she campaigned on expanding Medicaid. Ideologically, she falls somewhere between Bernie Sanders and Joe Biden: As her state's Democratic leader, she worked on behalf of low-income and middle-class residents, defeating sales taxes; she championed reproductive rights, supported military families and protected public education and Medicaid from budget cuts; and as a mentor she launched a program to train young people in Democratic Party politics. In my reporting I have heard grumblings that some black Democrats in Georgia did not feel Abrams was always with them in political fights, but there's wide agreement that she is focused on taking action and getting results. To do that, Minority Leader Abrams crossed the aisle often to work with Republicans. One of her admirers is Nathan Deal, the former two-term Republican governor of Georgia.
''I thought that my working relationship with her, and she with my staff, was very good,'' Deal says in a phone interview about their partnership to save Georgia's HOPE Scholarship for low-income residents. ''We were in the midst of the continuing Great Recession at that period of time, and we had to make some very difficult choices about programs in our state. We did not always agree on all the issues that we were confronted with, but on that one, which was a significant one, I thought she demonstrated the kind of leadership that you hope people would do regardless of party labels.''
They made cuts to the program, which upset some liberals, but preserved the scholarship. When asked if Abrams could bring that same tact to national politics, Deal says: ''I would think she probably could. Now that's not something that every Republican will say.''
(Dana Scruggs for The Washington Post)Abrams is the author of eight romance novels under a pseudonym, started two small businesses, is a New York Times best-selling author under her own name and is a superfan of ''Star Trek'' and Southern hip-hop, including one of her favorite rappers, Ludacris. She is scholarly, but she can also wax poetic on football. She is a policy wonk, but she can effortlessly pivot to sending goofy memes to the children of good buddies. She is a pop culture junkie who also is very literate on the sway and potential of technology. She is secure in her identity as a black woman but also sees herself as appealing broadly to people of all colors and identities. (Exit polls in the Georgia governor's race proved her right about that.) She is effusive about the accomplishments of her sisters and brothers but also talks openly about her brother Walter's long-term battles with mental health and drug addiction. Politics is a profession that attracts fakers, but it seems to me that Abrams is, for lack of a better phrase, mad real.
In 2018 and immediately after her defeat in 2019, Abrams helped to create three organizations: Fair Fight Action, which advocates against voter suppression (and has a lawsuit in the discovery phase against Brad Raffensperger, in his official capacity as Georgia secretary of state and as chair of the State Election Board); the Southern Economic Advancement Project (SEAP), which aims for equality of opportunity; and Fair Count, which seeks to get communities of color, rural populations and other marginalized groups counted in the 2020 Census. At the Fair Fight office in Atlanta, I meet Abrams's parents in a small conference room. Before the fan frenzy around her, before the passionate support of such A-listers as Will Ferrell, Oprah Winfrey and Mike Bloomberg, before she found herself the subject of countless media profiles, and before she became an in-demand expert on political talk shows as well as a guest on ''The View,'' she was their daughter.
Demanding a fair fight is something Stacey Abrams's mother and father have been doing pretty much most of their lives, beginning in Hattiesburg, Miss. Both came from generations of churchgoers, cooks, domestic workers and laborers. They met during the height of the civil rights movement and wound up working together at Hattiesburg's racially segregated swimming pool as lifeguards who became teenage sweethearts.
Says Carolyn Abrams, 71, ''I just always believed I can do anything anybody else could do, that there was no limit. And we taught our children the same thing.''
''My mom raised me, and we were really, really poor,'' says Robert Abrams, also 71, ''but in our family, anything you do, you do it to benefit others.''
Some black Democrats in Georgia may grumble that Abrams was not always with them in political fights, but there's wide agreement that she is focused on results.
These are the people who shaped Stacey Abrams's notions of power and her Southern black political identity. Robert Abrams is a tall and nimble man. Carolyn Abrams, his wife and partner of 51 years, is short in stature, walks with the help of a cane and speaks in the perfect diction of an English teacher, or a great debater.
Robert, like other youth of his era in the Deep South, became heavily involved in the civil rights movement, inspired by the founding of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party in 1964 and other developments happening in the state. Robert, never affiliated himself with any organization but was simply a civil rights ''soldier,'' as many youths were then, and was arrested more times than he can recall. He was, he says, also physically assaulted because he challenged local white authority.
By the time he and Carolyn were both students at historically black Tougaloo College near Jackson, Miss., they had decided to get married; they honeymooned at a local Holiday Inn. A year later, the first of six children came: Andrea in 1970, Stacey in 1973, Leslie in 1974, Richard in 1977, Walter in 1979 and Jeanine in 1982. Stacey and Leslie were born in Madison, Wis., because Robert and the family resided there for a couple of years so that Carolyn could get, with the help of a fellowship, a master's degree in library science from the University of Wisconsin.
After Carolyn Abrams secured her degree the family returned to Mississippi, this time to Gulfport, a bustling shipping city along the Gulf of Mexico. Carolyn settled into life as a librarian, and because of his dyslexia and difficulties reading, Robert worked at a shipyard. Stacey's mother would come to refer to the family as ''the genteel poor'' because of their unusual blend of books everywhere and ''urban camping'' whenever the lights were cut off from a lack of money. They lived by candles or flashlights when that happened. (In my time with Abrams, I noticed that in speeches and interviews she uses the words ''poor'' and ''poverty'' in a way most politicians do not, bringing to mind the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.'s Poor People's Campaign. But these issues are familiar to her and very personal.)
Carolyn and Robert Abrams would go on, in the years to come, to get master's degrees in divinity from Atlanta's Candler School of Theology and raise their six children to be, among other things, two PhDs, a social worker, a federal judge and a popular politician.
''It was always just a part of what you do," Stacey says. ''Your job is to serve.''
Abrams in Atlanta on election night in 2018. She lost the gubernatorial race by fewer than 2 percentage points.
Supporters on election night. (Photos by Melina Mara/The Washington Post)
LEFT: Abrams in Atlanta on election night in 2018. She lost the gubernatorial race by fewer than 2 percentage points. RIGHT: Supporters on election night. (Photos by Melina Mara/The Washington Post)
My name is Stacey Abrams, and I am not the governor of Georgia. I'm not going to be the senator, ever, but what I am is a proud Southerner, I'm a proud Democrat and I believe that we will win. ...''
That is how she reintroduces herself at a town hall meeting in Miami in early February hosted by the Florida Democratic Party. This was before Biden overcame early primary defeats to become the Democratic nominee for president but after Abrams had declined Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer's requests for her to run for the U.S. Senate because she'd rather be in the executive branch; and this was before the human and economic devastations of the coronavirus pandemic.
On this muggy, 80-degree day Abrams paced in front of an interracial crowd in an auditorium at Miami Dade College North Campus, using a story about her grandmother Wilter Abrams, who was affectionately called ''Bill,'' to drive home the importance of voting: ''My grandmother explained to me that the first time she was truly eligible to vote was after the Voting Rights Act of 1965, but '-- as with most federal decisions '-- it didn't really get to Mississippi until '68. So, the first time she was eligible to vote in an election was in the presidential election in 1968, and she remembered that day. My grandfather and his brother were at the house. They had gotten off work, and they were ready to take her to go and vote. ...
''My grandmother said she didn't move. She was sitting back there on that bed and she was frozen. ...,'' Abrams says, letting the story spool out. ''My grandfather became less and less generous with his platitudes and more impatient with her not showing up, and he finally marched back there to get her, and he was like, 'What's wrong? We've got to go and vote!' And she said, 'I don't want to go.' My grandfather was like, 'What do you mean you don't want to go?' She said, 'I don't want to face the dogs and the billy clubs. I don't want to face the problems.' And he said, 'But we've got the right to vote. We've got the Voting Rights Acts. We can vote!' And she said, 'I'm afraid. I don't want to do this.' And my grandfather looked at her and she said she had never seen my grandfather look so disappointed. He said, 'Your children fought for this. ...' ''
Abrams's grandmother summoned the courage to vote that day, and she voted in every election after that until she died. Hearing this, the crowd roars and Abrams rocks back on her heels. She's wearing her now-familiar look of twisted natural hair, short dangling earrings, a solid colored jacket and dark blouse and slacks. She speaks without notes, merging front-porch storytelling with a nerdish marshaling of facts and history.
Moments before the town hall, Abrams sat with six students from different Florida colleges to talk about the role of young people in American politics, in protecting the right to vote and building political coalitions '-- especially in the South. The basic civil right of voting has become a signature issue for Abrams because of her experiences with the 2018 governor's race, because Georgia's racial demographics and voting patterns are shifting quickly, and because of her own family history.
''I started my voting rights activism at Spelman College. I started a voter-registration drive even before I was old enough to vote,'' she tells the students. ''I was probably the only person who turned 18 in college and got excited to go register and nothing else. But for me, the issue of voter registration is the beginning of the conversation because it is a conversation about power.''
''Power'' is a word Abrams uses often in private conversations and in public statements. It's what she wrote about in her political memoir, ''Lead From the Outside: How to Build Your Future and Make Real Change'': ''[T]he questions for those in search of power abound: Who has it? How do we get and wield it? What do we do when we have less than the other guy? What do we do when we lose it? ... [T]he bald conversation of gaining power '-- especially for those who rarely hold it '-- is unusual.''
Abrams tells the Florida college students that her political opponents ''know how narrow the elections are. Every moment of suppression makes it easier to keep power.''
Abrams is not at any of the three offices I visit as I meet and talk with staffers. Each is in a different location: Fair Count in a bland, nondescript house converted to office space next to a gas station; SEAP in a white building that could easily be a school; and Fair Fight in a brownish office building. All are funded by private donations, both large- and small-dollar. Fair Fight Action is a 501(c)(4) and lead plaintiff in the aforementioned lawsuit, and does advocacy work. Fair Fight PAC, with more than 120,000 individual donors and about $24 million in fundraising, works on voter protection with state Democratic parties. Fair Count has raised about $7 million, and SEAP has raised about $1 million. I am told it would be impossible to delineate funds raised by Abrams and funds raised by staff because it's a team effort. Fair Fight Action and its PAC combined have 30 staff members, along with teams at state parties across the country. Fair Count has 26 and SEAP four.
On each visit with these organizations I see that women are in leadership positions, the staffs are a rainbow coalition of identities, and droves of young people, 20-somethings and 30-somethings, power each group.
Fair Fight Action's chief executive is Lauren Groh-Wargo. Before Abrams began entertaining conversations about the vice presidency, she and Groh-Wargo '-- a political operative who launched the New Georgia Project in 2014 as a nonpartisan effort to register voters, and who started her career by organizing against slumlords in Brooklyn '-- would strategize on how to transform their state. They would also discuss why Abrams should run for governor in 2018, with Groh-Wargo as her campaign manager.
Their partnership reflects the bridge-building necessary in the modern Democratic Party '-- and is a vision, perhaps, of the party's future leaders: Abrams is Southern, black, straight; Groh-Wargo is Midwestern, white, gay. They share core values: Both support abortion rights, the rights of immigrants, marriage equality, economic justice and environmental protections.
Groh-Wargo says that Abrams also represents a kind of politics that shows ''it is possible, and the best option, for Democrats to really aggressively be building this multiracial, multiethnic coalition. We should be leading with that rather than leading with this idea that we have to start with the 'swing voter' concept. We lead with diverse communities of color and really let that drive strategy. What we have learned in Georgia is that no one thought a black woman would be competitive. We have learned that when you do that work and are also reaching out to white voters of all kinds, you do build a coalition.''
This is why, in spite of not being the governor of Georgia, Abrams has become a player in the Democratic Party '-- in her state and in the country, including her well-reviewed prime-time 2019 response to President Trump's State of the Union address.
In a phone conversation after our in-person interview, Abrams made a point to address the lingering questions raised by pundits about her readiness for national office. ''I would say that anyone who believes that they know everything on Day One is likely incorrect,'' she tells me. ''Part of any job is being capable of learning all of the facets but coming with enough knowledge and enough curiosity and enough capacity to adapt quickly either to the challenges you face or to the realities you confront.'' To that point, Abrams adds that she is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and has spent the past quarter-century ''self-educating'' on global affairs with fellowships and other fact-finding missions, including trips to Europe, Asia and the Middle East.
Abrams has made it no secret that she is open to a place next to Joe Biden on the Democratic ticket. But the question remains: Would a Biden-Abrams ticket work?
In that phone conversation, as she was sheltering in place, Abrams was thinking about why the nation was ill prepared to address the pandemic and how to be better prepared for the next. ''What we've watched for the last 40 years has been a concentrated assault on public administration and on the public infrastructure that so many Americans take for granted,'' she says. ''And I think because we have not faced an internalized crisis in this country in quite a while, we have forgotten why we built what we have and that ... in times of national emergency we should have an infrastructure that can quickly be scaled up to meet the needs of the moment.''
Be it foreign affairs or other topics, Abrams is not a traditional politician, just like Robert Kennedy, who served as attorney general and a U.S. senator, was not your typical politician. Both stepped into massive spotlights in spite of their shyness, both took on the mantle of activist, and both wanted to bring all kinds of people together.
Maybe the signs and troubles of our times are why Abrams has made it no secret that she is very open to a place next to Biden on the Democratic ticket. But the question remains: Would a Biden-Abrams ticket work? Word among the political chattering class is that he is looking for a running mate who could step into the Oval Office after one term, and not every pundit is convinced that Abrams has the credentials. Biden is 77, and Democrats want to be sure they have his successor waiting in the wings. Abrams tells me that she has spoken regularly with the former vice president over the past year, since they first met to talk about his campaign in March 2019, though Abrams won't divulge the nature of those conversations.
When I press Abrams about the 1990s sexual assault allegation from Biden's former staffer, Tara Reade, and how that might affect him or his running mate, Abrams stands firm: ''If I am chosen to be his running mate, I will proudly promote his record and his plans to help the women of America,'' she tells me, noting Biden's leadership of the Violence Against Women Act, his support for equal pay for equal work and helping to pass the Affordable Care Act.
Even if she's not chosen, it seems that her place in the vice presidential conversation only strengthens her political future. If, for example, she was to challenge Kemp to a rematch in 2022 or run for president in 2024, she'd only have more power.
Before hanging up, we return to that subject, and Abrams again stresses her vision of political power for all people.
''Leadership,'' she says, ''is about answering that question: How can I help?''
(Dana Scruggs for The Washington Post)Kevin Powell is a writer, public speaker and author of several books, including his autobiography, ''The Education of Kevin Powell.'' He is also a civil and human rights activist, and ran for Congress as a Democrat in 2008 and 2010 in New York.
Abrams portraits: Styling by Cheri Scurry-Burns. Makeup by Shaune Hayes. Hair by Sharron Brooks-Bullock. Prop styling by Giulietta Pinna. Wardrobe by ELOQUII.
Design by Brandon Ferrill. Photo editing by Dudley M. Brooks.
Correction: An earlier version of this article misstated the number of combined staff members of Fair Fight Action and its PAC. They have 30 staff members, not 24.
Our Time Is Now: Power, Purpose, and the Fight for a Fair America: Abrams, Stacey: 9781250257703: Amazon.com: Books
Mon, 18 May 2020 07:35
Review"Stacey Abrams's powerful, deeply moving book shines a bright light on the ongoing attacks on the sacred, constitutional right to the ballot. Stacey provides everyday Americans and political leaders alike with the tools that are urgently needed to confront and defeat the forces that seek to deny Americans their voice in our democracy. The right to vote is the foundation of our freedom and a key pillar of our democracy, and we must all fight to ensure that all Americans have a say in their nation's future." 'Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the United States House of Representatives"Stacey Abrams's Our Time Is Now outlines a dynamic blueprint for how each of us can reshape the future of our democracy. Her ability to rise above her own political struggles and transform her learned experience into a saving grace for marginalized communities is breathtaking. With each page, she inspires and empowers us to create systems that reflect a world in which all voices are heard and all people believe and feel that they matter." 'Kerry Washington
''A detailed expos(C) of how our democracy has been eroded'and a plan to fix it'from an up-and-coming national leader. If you are feeling hopeless about politics, this well-informed blueprint for change may begin to restore your faith.'' 'Kirkus Reviews, *starred review*"No one understands the dangers or realities of voter suppression quite like Abrams. Her expertise and passion for the rights of underrepresented people should be igniting to anyone who cares about democracy. Sign me up for the future that Stacey Abrams envisions." 'Hasan Minaj, host of "The Patriot Act"
"From climate change to income inequality, voter suppression is threatening to undermine the most important issues facing our country today. This book is a must read for anyone who wants to see our democracy reflect the will of all people, and not just the will of America's most privileged." 'Issa Rae, writer and producer
"Stacey Abrams is not only a passionate advocate of democracy, but also an inspiring example of how to practice it. In Our Time Is Now, she exposes systematic voter suppression efforts across America, and tells us what we need to do to fight back. This book is an essential toolkit for citizens of all backgrounds who believe, as I do, that democracy is not a spectator sport." 'Madeleine K. Albright, former United States Secretary of State
"Following her historic run for Governor of Georgia in 2018, Stacey Abrams led a nationwide effort to empower and enfranchise voters to participate in our democratic process. With Our Time is Now, she's now set out a comprehensive roadmap for engaging those voters, tearing down barriers to participation, and making our democracy live up to its highest ideals." 'Julian Castro, former Secretary of Housing and Urban Development
About the Author Stacey Abrams is the New York Times bestselling author of Lead from the Outside, a serial entrepreneur, nonprofit CEO, and political leader. After serving eleven years in the Georgia House of Representatives, seven as minority leader, Abrams became the 2018 Democratic nominee for governor of Georgia, where she won more votes than any other Democrat in the state's history. She has founded multiple organizations devoted to voting rights, training and hiring young people of color, and tackling social issues at both the state and national levels; and she is a lifetime member of the Council on Foreign Relations and a 2012 recipient of the John F. Kennedy New Frontier Award. Abrams received degrees from Spelman College, the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas, and Yale Law School. Dedicated to civic engagement, she founded the New Georgia Project, which has registered more than 400,000 voters of color, Fair Fight Action and Fair Fight 2020 to promote fair elections across the country, and Fair Count, which is guaranteeing an accurate national census for hard-to-count communities.
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Democrats Have Abandoned Civil Liberties - Reporting by Matt Taibbi
Mon, 18 May 2020 17:32
Emmet G. Sullivan, the judge in the case of former Trump National Security Adviser Michael Flynn, is refusing to let William Barr's Justice Department drop the charge. He's even thinking of adding more, appointing a retired judge to ask ''whether the Court should issue an Order to Show Cause why Mr. Flynn should not be held in criminal contempt for perjury.''
Pundits are cheering. A trio of former law enforcement and judicial officials saluted Sullivan in the Washington Post, chirping, ''The Flynn case isn't over until a judge says it's over.'' Yuppie icon Jeffrey Toobin of CNN and the New Yorker, one of the #Resistance crowd's favored legal authorities, described Sullivan's appointment of Judge John Gleeson as ''brilliant.'' MSNBC legal analyst Glenn Kirschner said Americans owe Sullivan a ''debt of gratitude.''
One had to search far and wide to find a non-conservative legal analyst willing to say the obvious, i.e. that Sullivan's decision was the kind of thing one would expect from a judge in Belarus. George Washington University professor Jonathan Turley was one of the few willing to say Sullivan's move could ''could create a threat of a judicial charge even when prosecutors agree with defendants.''
Sullivan's reaction was amplified by a group letter calling for Barr's resignation signed by 2000 former Justice Department officials (the melodramatic group email somberly reported as momentous news is one of many tired media tropes in the Trump era) and the preposterous ''leak'' of news that the dropped case made Barack Obama sad. The former president ''privately'' told ''members of his administration'' (who instantly told Yahoo! News) that there was no precedent for the dropping of perjury charges, and that the ''rule of law'' itself was at stake.
Whatever one's opinion of Flynn, his relations with Turkey, his ''Lock her up!'' chants, his haircut, whatever, this case was never about much. There's no longer pretense that prosecution would lead to the unspooling of a massive Trump-Russia conspiracy, as pundits once breathlessly expected. News that Flynn was cooperating with special counsel Robert Mueller inspired many of the ''Is this the beginning of the end for Trump?'' stories that will someday fill whole chapters of Journalism Fucks Up 101 textbooks.
The acts at issue are calls Flynn made to Russian Ambassador Sergei Kislyak on December 29th, 2016 in which he told the Russians not to overreact to sanctions. That's it. The investigation was about to be dropped, but someone got the idea of using electronic surveillance of the calls to leverage a case into existence.
In a secrets-laundering maneuver straight out of the Dick Cheney playbook, some bright person first illegally leaked classified details to David Ignatius at the Washington Post, then agents rushed to interview Flynn about the ''news.''
''The record of his conversation with Ambassador Kislyak had become widely known in the press,'' is how Deputy FBI chief Andrew McCabe put it, euphemistically. ''We wanted to sit down with General Flynn and understand, kind of, what his thoughts on that conversation were.''
A Laurel-and-Hardy team of agents conducted the interview, then took three weeks to write and re-write multiple versions of the interview notes used as evidence (because why record it?). They were supervised by a counterintelligence chief who then memorialized on paper his uncertainty over whether the FBI was trying to ''get him to lie'' or ''get him fired,'' worrying that they'd be accused of ''playing games.'' After another leak to the Washington Post in early February, 2017, Flynn actually was fired, and later pleaded guilty to lying about sanctions in the Kislyak call, the transcript of which was of course never released to either the defense or the public.
Warrantless surveillance, multiple illegal leaks of classified information, a false statements charge constructed on the razor's edge of Miranda, and the use of never-produced, secret counterintelligence evidence in a domestic criminal proceeding '' this is the ''rule of law'' we're being asked to cheer.
Russiagate cases were often two-level offenses: factually bogus or exaggerated, but also indicative of authoritarian practices. Democrats and Democrat-friendly pundits in the last four years have been consistently unable to register objections on either front.
Flynn's case fit the pattern. We were told his plea was just the ''tip of the iceberg'' that would ''take the trail of Russian collusion'' to the ''center of the plot,'' i.e. Trump. It turned out he had no deeper story to tell. In fact, none of the people prosecutors tossed in jail to get at the Russian ''plot'' '' some little more than bystanders '' had anything to share.
Remember George Papadopoulos, whose alleged conversation about ''dirt'' on Hillary Clinton with an Australian diplomat created the pretext for the FBI's entire Trump-Russia investigation? We just found out in newly-released testimony by McCabe that the FBI felt as early as the summer of 2016 that the evidence ''didn't particularly indicate'' that Papadopoulos was ''interacting with the Russians.''
If you're in the media and keeping score, that's about six months before our industry lost its mind and scrambled to make Watergate comparisons over Jim Comey's March, 2017 ''bombshell'' revelation of the existence of an FBI Trump-Russia investigation. Nobody bothered to wonder if they actually had any evidence. Similarly Chelsea Manning insisted she'd already answered all pertinent questions about Julian Assange, but prosecutors didn't find that answer satisfactory, and threw her in jail for year anyway, only releasing her when she tried to kill herself. She owed $256,000 in fines upon release, not that her many supporters from the Bush days seemed to care much.
The Flynn case was built on surveillance gathered under the FISA Amendments Act of 2008, a program that seems to have been abused on a massive scale by both Democratic and Republican administrations.
After Edward Snowden's 2013 revelations about mass data collection, a series of internal investigations began showing officials were breaking rules against spying on specific Americans via this NSA program. Searches were conducted too often and without proper justification, and the results were shared with too many people, including private contractors. By October, 2016, the FISA court was declaring that systematic overuse of so-called ''702'' searches were a ''very serious fourth Amendment issue.''
In later court documents it came out that the FBI conducted 3.1 million such searches in 2017 alone. As the Brennan Center put it, ''almost certainly'... the total number of U.S. person queries run by the FBI each year is well into the millions.''
Anyone who bothers to look back will find hints at how this program might have been misused. In late 2015, Obama officials bragged to the Wall Street Journal they'd made use of FISA surveillance involving ''Jewish-American groups'' as well as ''U.S. lawmakers'' in congress, all because they wanted to more effectively ''counter'' Israeli opposition to Obama's nuclear deal with Iran. This is a long way from using surveillance to defuse terror plots or break up human trafficking rings.
I can understand not caring about the plight of Michael Flynn, but cases like this have turned erstwhile liberals '' people who just a decade ago were marching in the streets over the civil liberties implications of Cheney's War on Terror apparatus '' into defenders of the spy state. Politicians and pundits across the last four years have rolled their eyes at attorney-client privilege, the presumption of innocence, the right to face one's accuser, the right to counsel and a host of other issues, regularly denouncing civil rights worries as red-herring excuses for Trumpism.
I've written a lot about the Democrats' record on civil liberties issues. Working on I Can't Breathe, a book about the Eric Garner case, I was stunned to learn the central role Mario Cuomo played in the mass incarceration problem, while Democrats also often embraced hyper-intrusive ''stop and frisk'' or ''broken windows'' enforcement strategies, usually by touting terms like ''community policing'' that sounded nice to white voters. Democrats strongly supported the PATRIOT Act in 2001, and Barack Obama continued or expanded Bush-Cheney programs like drone assassination, rendition, and warrantless surveillance, while also using the Espionage Act to bully reporters and whistleblowers.
Republicans throughout this time were usually as bad or worse on these issues, but Democrats have lately positioned themselves as the more aggressive promoters of strong-arm policies, from control of Internet speech to the embrace of domestic spying. In the last four years the blue-friendly press has done a complete 180 on these issues, going from cheering Edward Snowden to lionizing the CIA, NSA, and FBI, and making on-air partners out of drone-and-surveillance all-stars like John Brennan, James Clapper, and Michael Hayden. There are now too many ex-spooks on CNN and MSNBC to count, while there isn't a single regular contributor on any of the networks one could describe as antiwar.
Democrats clearly believe constituents will forgive them for abandoning constitutional principles, so long as the targets of official inquiry are figures like Flynn or Paul Manafort or Trump himself. In the process, they've raised a generation of followers whose contempt for civil liberties is now genuine-to-permanent. Blue-staters have gone from dismissing constitutional concerns as Trumpian ruse to sneering at them, in the manner of French aristocrats, as evidence of proletarian mental defect.
Nowhere has this been more evident than in the response to the Covid-19 crisis, where the almost mandatory take of pundits is that any protest of lockdown measures is troglodyte death wish. The aftereffects of years of Russiagate/Trump coverage are seen everywhere: press outlets reflexively associate complaints of government overreach with Trump, treason, and racism, and conversely radiate a creepily gleeful tone when describing aggressive emergency measures and the problems some ''dumb'' Americans have had accepting them.
On the campaign trail in 2016, I watched Democrats hand Trump the economic populism argument by dismissing all complaints about the failures of neoliberal economics. This mistake was later compounded by years of propaganda arguing that ''economic insecurity'' was just a Trojan Horse term for racism. These takes, along with the absurd kneecapping of the Bernie Sanders movement, have allowed Trump to position himself as a working-class hero, the sole voice of a squeezed underclass.
The same mistake is now being made with civil liberties. Millions have lost their jobs and businesses by government fiat, there's a clamor for censorship and contact tracing programs that could have serious long-term consequences, yet voters only hear Trump making occasional remarks about freedom; Democrats treat it like it's a word that should be banned by Facebook (a recent Washington Post headline put the term in quotation marks, as if one should be gloved to touch it). Has the Trump era really damaged our thinking to this degree?
My family is in quarantine, I worry about a premature return to work, and sure, I laughed at that Shaun of the Dead photo of Ohio protesters protesting state lockdown laws. But I also recognize the crisis is also raising serious civil liberties issues, from prisoners trapped in deadly conditions to profound questions about speech and assembly, the limits to surveillance and snitching, etc. If this disease is going to be in our lives for the foreseeable future, that makes it more urgent that we talk about what these rules will be, not less '-- yet the party I grew up supporting seems to have lost the ability to do so, and I don't understand why.
Ukraine judge orders Joe Biden be listed as alleged perpetrator of crime in prosecutor's firing | Just The News
Wed, 20 May 2020 16:11
The infamous story of Joe Biden's effort to force the firing of Ukraine's chief prosecutor in 2016 has taken a new legal twist in Kiev, just as the former vice president is sewing up the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination in America.
In Kiev late last month, District Court Judge S. V. Vovk ordered the country's law enforcement services to formally list the fired prosecutor, Victor Shokin, as the victim of an alleged crime by the former U.S. vice president, according to an official English translation of the ruling obtained by Just the News.
The court had previously ordered the Prosecutor General's Office and the State Bureau of Investigations in February to investigate Shokin's claim that he was fired in spring 2016 under pressure from Biden because he was investigating Burisma Holdings, the natural gas company where Biden's son Hunter worked.
The court ruled then that there was adequate evidence to investigate Shokin's claim that Biden's pressure on then-President Petro Poroshenko, including a threat to withhold $1 billion in U.S. loan guarantees, amounted to unlawful interference in Shokin's work as Ukraine's chief prosecutor.
But when law enforcement agencies opened the probe they refused to name Biden as the alleged perpetrator of the crime, instead listing the potential defendant as an unnamed American.
Vovk ruled that anonymous listing was improper and ordered the law enforcement agencies to formally name Biden as the accused perpetrator.
The ruling orders ''a competent person of the Office of the Prosecutor General of Ukraine who conducts procedural management in criminal proceedings No. 62020000000000236 dated February 24, 2020 to enter information into the Unified register of pre-trial investigations '... a summary of facts that may indicate the commission of a criminal offense under Paragraph 2 of Article 343 of the Criminal procedure code of Ukraine on criminal proceedings No. 62020000000000236 dated February 24, 2020, namely: information on interference in the activities of the former Prosecutor General of Ukraine Shokin, Viktor Mykolaiovych performed by citizen of the United States of America Joseph Biden, former U.S. Vice President.''
The judge added, ''the order of the court may not be appealed.''
Shokin's attorney, Oleksandr Ivanovych Teleshetskyi, confirmed the ruling to Just the News but said Ukraine officials have not yet complied.
''Viktor Shokin publicly appealed to the president of Ukraine with a request to properly respond to illegal inaction in the investigation of criminal cases that are open against Joseph Biden,'' Teleshetskyi said. ''Let me remind you that they were discovered precisely as a result of the statement of Viktor Shokin.''
The Biden-Shokin saga has dominated headlines for more than a year, and played a central role in the Democrat-led impeachment proceedings that ended earlier this year with President Trump's acquittal in the Senate.
Biden has admitted on videotape he forced then-Ukraine President Poroshenko to fire Shokin in March 2016 by threatening to withhold $1 billion in U.S. loan guarantees. But Biden has steadfastly denied Shokin's firing was due to the Burisma case. Instead, Biden said, he and other Western leaders believed Shokin was ineffective as a corruption fighter.
Shokin, however, has alleged in a court affidavit he was told he was fired because he refused to stand down his investigation of alleged corruption by Burisma and after he planned to call Hunter Biden as a witness to question him about millions of dollars in payments his American firm received from the Ukraine gas company.
Shokin has also disputed Democrats' claims he was fired because he was incompetent or corrupt, producing among other pieces of evidence a letter from the U.S. State Department in summer 2015 that praised his anti-corruption plan as Ukraine's chief prosecutor.
While the Biden-Shokin factual dispute remains unresolved, the impeachment trial last year generated testimony from State Department witnesses who said they believed Hunter Biden's role at Burisma while his father oversaw U.S.-Ukraine policy created an uncomfortable appearance of a conflict of interest.
Both Bidens have denied wrongdoing but acknowledged they wished they had handled the matter differently.
Shokin's continued pursuit of a case in the Ukraine courts could prompt new disclosures this summer as Biden readies for the fall election against Trump.
On Tuesday, a Ukraine parliamentary member released what he said were excerpts of phone calls between Poroshenko and Biden discussing Shokin's firing, but neither man has confirmed their authenticity yet.
In an interview, Shokin told Just the News he is confident he can unearth evidence during the proceedings that Ukraine officials were satisfied with his performance and simply acceded to firing him to avoid losing the badly needed U.S. loan guarantees.
Rejected Absentee Ballot Applications Bring Up Accusations Of Voter Fraud In Evansville | 93.1FM WIBC
Wed, 20 May 2020 17:53
EVANSVILLE, Ind. '-- Possible voter fraud in Vanderburgh County.
Prosecutors in Evansville are looking into the actions of a Democratic Party activist accused of illegally sending out absentee voter applications to people who requested them that only leave them the option of participating in the Democrat primary.
Jan Reed is accused of sending out applications with the Democratic Party box already checked under the section that allows Hoosiers to choose which primary they wish to take part in. This caused many absentee ballot applications in Vanderburgh County to be rejected.
When the County Election Board learned of what Reed was doing, County Clerk Carla Hayden told the county Democratic Party to tell Reed to stop. However, post-marks on some applications sent out after that show she kept doing it anyway.
Furthermore the board, in a letter outlining the accusations to prosecutors, said Reed wrote under the section in which voters choose which primary they want to take part that the sections ''needs no input'' along with the Democratic Party box already checked. The board said this proves Reed's actions were intentional.
County Democratic Party chair Edie Hardcastle said Reed was misinformed and that she didn't understand it was ''not OK'' to do that. County prosecutors are reviewing the case now and it's possible Reed could be charged with a felony.
'--
2020 Presidential Election Fundraising: Biden Vs. Trump : NPR
Thu, 21 May 2020 03:42
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Which presidential candidate has the fundraising advantage?
Here's how much money the campaigns of President Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden have raised so far, according to their Federal Election Commission filings. (Keep in mind that Trump's reelection campaign had a fundraising head start.)
This tracker will be updated with each monthly report, prior to the general election.
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Of course, the universe of campaign finance is far bigger than what one candidate raises alone. Groups like super PACs, which can raise and spend unlimited amounts, can help or hurt the fortunes of a presidential nominee. On both Biden's and Trump's sides, these independent groups have raised tens of millions of dollars on their own.
Each party also has its own committee to help elect the president, which can work in concert with the official campaign and further contributes to the war chest.
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Don't see the graphics in this story? Click here.
Photos: Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images (Biden), Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images (Trump)
Shut Down Fallout
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AA meetings cancelled everywhere
Will Some Churches Be Forced To Close For The Entire Duration Of The COVID-19 Pandemic?
Wed, 20 May 2020 07:42
Isn't it odd that Walmart stores all over the nation have remained open throughout this crisis but we are being told that it is ''too risky'' to hold a church service in many states?
During this crisis it has often been said that ''my rights do not end where your fears begin'', but right now we are witnessing a stunning erosion of our First Amendment rights.
Churches remain closed in many states, and some churches in states that have ''reopened'' are now being forced to close down again.
For example, a Baptist church in Georgia has announced that they will not be holding any in-person worship services ''for the foreseeable future'''...
A representative for the Catoosa Baptist Tabernacle in Ringgold, Ga., told The Christian Post in a statement on Monday that church decided earlier this month to no longer offer ''in-person worship services for the foreseeable future'' after confirming some of its families were ''dealing with the effects of the COVID-19 virus.''
Owen does a news blitz of all of America's major fake news stories.
When that church started holding services again recently, extremely strict social distancing guidelines were put into place'...
''Seating was marked to only permit sitting within the six-foot guidelines, all doors were open to allow access without the touching of doors, and attendees were asked to enter in a social distancing manner and were dismissed in a formal manner as well to ensure that the social distancing measures were adhered by all,'' the church told the outlet.
But even with all of those restrictions, COVID-19 started spreading in the church.
And so now that church has closed up shop indefinitely.
In Houston, another church that recently reopened has now been forced to close again'...
Days after the move by the church in Georgia, ABC News reported that Houston-based Holy Ghost Parish also did the same after it was discovered multiple members of the organization had contracted the novel coronavirus and one leader had died.
The Archdiocese of Galveston-Houston said the church, which had also reportedly begun hosting mass at the start of May as some coronavirus restrictions on certain businesses in Texas had begun to ease, decided to re-close last week after the death of Father Donnell Kirchner, 79.
Sadly, we will probably see a lot more stories like this in the weeks and months to come.
But no matter what we do, we aren't going to be able to prevent people from catching the virus. In order to do that, we would literally have to shut down everything for a very long time, and that is simply not going to happen.
Whether the current ''shelter-in-place'' restrictions remain in place or not, and whether we are holding church services or not, the truth is that this virus is going to continue to spread.
And it will keep spreading until the vast majority of the U.S. population has been exposed to the virus and herd immunity has been achieved.
So shutting down all of our churches is not going to solve anything, but the mainstream media keeps pumping out horror stories about how Christian gatherings are helping to spread COVID-19. For example, the following comes from CNN'...
A person who later learned they were positive for Covid-19 attended a California religious service on Mother's Day, exposing 180 other people to the novel coronavirus, according to local health officials.
The individual got a positive diagnosis for Covid-19 the day after the service and is now in isolation at home, Butte County Public Health said in a statement Friday.
And here is a story from NBC News about a church in Arkansas'...
Two people infected with COVID-19 spread the virus to more than 30 people during church gatherings in Arkansas in early March, before the first case was ever diagnosed in that state, according to a report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention published Tuesday.
The cases illustrate how rapidly the virus can spread to others involved in faith-based organizations, and may have implications for places of worship as churches nationwide figure out how to reopen safely.
But why don't we ever see any stories about how our major retail stores have become hotbeds for spreading the virus?
Without a doubt, it would be much easier to catch COVID-19 in a large retail store than it would be in a church. Thousands upon thousands of people are constantly streaming through our big stores, and many of them have got to be absolutely teeming with the virus.
It just greatly disturbs me to see such a double standard going on.
If it is safe enough for people to go to Costco, then it is safe enough for them to go to church.
And the truth is that a lot of our churches are going to end up collapsing if they are not permitted to reopen soon. According to the Washington Post, approximately one-third of all U.S. churches ''have no savings'''...
The novel coronavirus is pressing painfully on the soft underbelly of U.S. houses of worship: their finances. About a third of all congregations have no savings, according to the 2018-2019 National Congregations Study. Just 20 percent streamed their services and 48 percent were able to accept donations electronically, the study found, making it more challenging to serve the faithful and gather their donations during the virus shutdown.
Already, some churches have been forced to lay off staff and radically cut expenses.
If they are not allowed to resume normal activity for the foreseeable future, many of them will not end up surviving at all.
Even before this pandemic, it was estimated that somewhere between 6,000 and 10,000 churches were dying each year in the United States.
Needless to say, the number for this year will be off the charts.
Of course some churches will insist on waiting to reopen until the threat of COVID-19 has completely passed, but that might be a really, really long time.
In fact, a draft Pentagon memo that was just made public is warning that this virus will remain a threat until ''at least the summer of 2021'''...
The Defense Department should prepare to operate in a ''globally-persistent'' novel coronavirus (COVID-19) environment without an effective vaccine until ''at least the summer of 2021,'' according to a draft Pentagon memo obtained by Task & Purpose.
''We have a long path ahead, with the real possibility of a resurgence of COVID-19,'' reads the memo, authored for Secretary of Defense Mark Esper but not yet bearing his signature.
There are very, very few churches in America that could afford to be shut down for that long.
And what most people don't realize is that COVID-19 is not the worst thing we are going to face. Much larger challenges are on the horizon, and they will shake our society to the core.
At a time like this, people need hope, and that is why it is so important for our churches to be up and running.
Unfortunately, many of them now have a closed sign, and that is likely to remain the case for the foreseeable future.
Save 30 to 60% off our best-selling products to boost yourself and loved ones while funding the infowar!
Defying state coronavirus order, a thousand pastors plan to hold in-person services for Pentecost - Los Angeles Times
Thu, 21 May 2020 03:40
Wally Thomas of Lake Forest and Denean MacAndrew of Mission Viejo take part in a protest in Huntington Beach. More than 1,200 pastors have vowed to hold in-person services on May 31, Pentecost Sunday.
(Raul Roa / Times Community News )
By Matthew Ormseth Staff Writer
More than 1,200 pastors have vowed to hold in-person services on May 31, Pentecost Sunday, defying a state moratorium on religious gatherings that Gov. Gavin Newsom imposed to slow the spread of the novel coronavirus.
In a letter to Newsom, Robert H. Tyler, an attorney representing a Lodi church that has challenged the governor's order in court, said more than 1,200 pastors have signed a ''Declaration of Essentiality,'' asserting their churches are as essential as any grocery or hardware store and should be allowed to reopen.
''We believe you are attempting to act in the best interests of the state,'' Tyler wrote to Newsom, ''but the restrictions have gone too far and for too long.''
By Wednesday, many counties in California had received approval to reopen establishments '-- retail business, office buildings, restaurants, shopping centers '-- as permitted in the second phase of Newsom's plan to restart the state economy. Churches are not allowed to reopen until the plan's third phase.
The pastors who signed onto the letter intend to open their churches to parishioners on May 31, with or without the governor's permission, the letter says. They will advise churchgoers to follow social distancing guidelines.
A day earlier, the U.S. Justice Department warned Newsom that the restrictions he imposed and his plans to scale them back could infringe on religious groups' constitutional freedoms.
Eric S. Dreiband, an assistant attorney general and the head of the Justice Department's civil rights division, questioned Newsom's decision to keep houses of worship closed until the third phase of the state's reopening plan while allowing restaurants, offices, shopping malls and schools to open in the second.
Dreiband cited a statement from Atty. Gen. William Barr that religious institutions ''must not be singled out for special burdens.''
''The Constitution calls for California to do more to accommodate religious worship, including in Stage 2 of the reopening plan,'' Dreiband said.
Several churches have mounted legal challenges to Newsom's moratorium on in-person services. Federal judges in Los Angeles, San Diego and Sacramento have batted down all of them, although the Cross Culture Christian Center, a church in Lodi, is appealing its ruling to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeal.
In denying the church's request to keep the state from enforcing the prohibition on in-person worship, U.S. District Judge John A. Mendez wrote that ''during public health crises, new considerations come to bear, and government officials must ask whether even fundamental rights must give way to a deeper need to control the spread of infectious disease and protect the lives of society's most vulnerable.''
If the pastors do, in fact, hold services for Pentecost, it would not be the first time a congregation has flouted Newsom's order. On Mother's Day, Palermo Bible Family Church in Butte County held an in-person service; one of the roughly 180 churchgoers subsequently tested positive for COVID-19. County officials said they are now trying to track down every attendee and instruct them to self-quarantine.
''For 7 weeks we have been kept out of our church and away from our church family,'' the pastor, Mike Jacobsen, wrote on Facebook. ''I am fully aware that some people may not understand that for our church it is essential to be together in fellowship.''
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School teacher afraid to come close in out house. Afraid and confused. Frustrated when challenged - No answer to masks ending, just 'Hey, we can be like China"
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HVAC company asking Rona related questions before scheduling appointment.
Has all this "save the medical and hospital system' really been about killing off the least profitable group of older and sick people ad POOR people?
Is Your Pharmacy Pursuing the Most Profitable Patients?
Thu, 21 May 2020 05:46
Is Your Pharmacy Pursuing the Most Profitable Patients?
Inside: As reimbursements continue to plummet, independent pharmacies need to pursue profits to stay in business. Start by attracting the most profitable patients.
Reimbursements aren't improving. DIR fees continue to erode your bottom line. Networks are becoming more exclusive. These troubling trends don't bode well for independent pharmacy. To offset these growing problems, independent pharmacies need to find creative ways to keep generating profit.
Which starts with your patients.
Although all patients deserve equal treatment and care from your pharmacy, not all patients bring in equal business.
Certain patients spend more money and stay more loyal to your pharmacy than other patients. The more of these patients you attract, the more profit you'll earn.
Pursuing profitable patients is a win-win. Your profit correlates with your care. Improving the outcomes of your neediest patients improves the outcome of your business.
Who Are Your Pharmacy's Most Profitable Patients?By 2020, the U.S. will have the largest population of seniors in history. Projections estimate Medicare enrollment to grow at least 30 percent over the coming decade, from 56 million to 75 million.
And those Medicare patients purchase two times as many prescriptions per year than patients aged 26-49. The typical 65-year-old averages $44,000 in lifetime costs for long-term care.
The drug spending by this population is so high that a report by the U.S. Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) cited its growth as a prime contributor to the projected increase in the nation's total healthcare spending.
A single year of health spending in patients over 65 includes:
Make up 60 percent of patients who spent more than $100,000 per year on prescription drugsOne-third receive treatment for at least 10 conditionsSixty percent take a minimum of 10 different prescription drugsNow that you know Medicare patients are your pharmacy's most profitable patients, learn how to pursue them to procure better profit.
8 Effective Ways to Pursue Your Most Profitable Patients Certain strategies more effectively attract and satisfy Medicare patients than others. Try these approaches to win over the most profitable patients to your pharmacy.
1. Make your pharmacy accommodating to Medicare patientsMake your pharmacy a Medicare destination by tailoring it to people aged 65 and older. Let the preferences and needs of seniors guide your pharmacy's decisions.
Offer prescription delivery
Many Medicare patients have limited mobility. Make your pharmacy accessible by offering the convenience of prescription delivery and mail order options.
Update your contact information online
Medicare patients are likely to simply look up your pharmacy's phone number, hours, address and the services you offer. Keep your website and social media profiles up-to-date with your pharmacy's contact information so these patients can conveniently find what they're looking for.
Provide top-notch customer service
Medicare patients value a pharmacy primarily for its friendly service. Make sure to staff your pharmacy with quality employees who demonstrate interpersonal skills. Train them to recommend products and make patients feel comfortable shopping in your pharmacy.
Consider offering charge accounts
Charge accounts offer patients the convenience of paying their bill once a month instead of with every transaction. This is especially valuable for older patients, so they don't have to mess with money during each transaction and can instead have a family member pay the bill each month.
Come out from behind the counter
Build relationships with Medicare patients by taking time to come from behind the counter to talk. Many seniors look for that extra level of care in a pharmacy.
Make the pharmacy physically appealing
The physical aspects of your pharmacy affect your Medicare patients' experience. For example, use good lighting to make it easier read prices and product information. Keep your aisles wide to accommodate mobility devices. And set up comfortable chairs in the waiting area.
2. Help Medicare patients review their plan optionsMedicare enrollment comes around every October. And it can be a nightmare for patients .
Two studies showed that less than half of patients are satisfied with the information they're given to make decisions about their Medicare Part D drug plan. Another report by the Better Medicare Alliance estimated that nearly a quarter of Medicare patients don't know how to research drug plan options.
According to that report, ''Many beneficiaries are unaware that they have a choice regarding their coverage, or do not know which resource to use to learn more. This makes understanding the components of the Medicare program and the individual plan options available to them even more challenging.''
Make enrolling easier for your patients by walking through the Medicare plan options with them. Tools like iMedicare and the CMS Plan Finder will simplify the process.
3. Partner with hospice and retirement facilitiesHospice and retirement facilities are mostly populated with Medicare patients.
Partnering with them to provide medications will guarantee a steady stream of profitable patients. Plus, many of those patients will require high-margin prescription drugs such as compounded and specialty medications.
4. Offer adherence servicesNearly 92 percent of older adults have at least one chronic condition; 77 percent have at least two.
According to the American Society of Consultant Pharmacists (ASCP), ''Seniors are especially at risk for medication-related problems due to physiological changes of aging, higher incidence of multiple chronic diseases and conditions, and greater consumption of prescription and over-the-counter medications '... Medication-related problems are estimated to be one of the top five causes of death in that age group, and a major cause of confusion, depression, falls, disability, and loss of independence.''
To truly care for your Medicare patients, offer adherence services to help them safely manage their medications.
5. Market to Medicare patientsMarketing your pharmacy's products and services is one of the best ways to help your Medicare patients.
Many older Americans aren't aware of all the services you provide and are likely missing out on something that could improve their health.
Easy ways to market pharmacy products and services to older patients:
Create promotional bag stuffersHand out brochures at the counterInform patients face-to-faceSend coupons in the mailShowcase services on social mediaUse banners and signs6. Make your pharmacy affordableLow cost is a principal driver for Medicare patients. Half have incomes less than two times the federal poverty level, and traditional Medicare covers only about half of beneficiaries' total health costs.
And seventy-five percent of seniors are more likely to make a purchase if they have a discount or coupon.
Make your pharmacy's pricing attractive to Medicare patients with these strategies:
Find generic alternatives when possibleProvide ''seniors only'' front-end couponsCreate a senior discount dayLet seniors know when paying out-of-pocket is cheaper than the co-payHelp patients find the lowest-cost Medicare Part D plan7. Improve your Star RatingsExclusionary networks determine how many Medicare patients your pharmacy can gain.
And as you know, those preferred networks in part depend on a pharmacy's performance and Star Ratings . Improving your performance in certain areas will give you access to more Medicare patients and increase your margins from their purchases.
Ways to boost Star Ratings:
Focus on increasing generic dispensing above 94 percentImprove patient adherence in three key areas: diabetes, blood pressure, and cholesterolComplete all of their medication therapy management (MTM) cases through Mirixa and OutcomesMTM8. Offer services Medicare patients needAlthough adherence tops the list, Medicare patients need many other services to stay healthy and improve outcomes.
For example, Medicare patients are at higher risk of high blood pressure, arthritis, and falls.
Consider offering these services Medicare patients need:
Blood pressure testingChronic disease managementComprehensive medication reviews (CMRs)Fall risk screeningMedication synchronizationMedication therapy management (MTM)Prescription deliveryPursuing Medicare patients profits their health and your independent pharmacy.
Want more pharmacy business tips and advice? Sign up for our e-newsletter .
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UK politicians who urged us all to 'follow the science' now turn on the scientists for being WRONG. But will the people buy it? -- Society's Child -- Sott.net
Wed, 20 May 2020 16:36
(C) Reuters / Jessica Tailor
Furious finger-pointing has broken out in the UK as experts and politicians try to distance themselves from the consequences of the government's calamitous Covid-19 lockdown strategy.
It's not often that one witnesses grown-ups playing pass the parcel in public. But this is what is happening in the UK: experts and politicians are rapidly passing the 'blame parcel' back and forth, driven by the mounting fear of ending up holding it when the music stops.
Sir Adrian Smith, a statistician and the incoming president of the Royal Society, this week demanded that the government should stop passing the buck and stop saying they "are simply doing what scientists tell us" over coronavirus. He insisted that they be more open about the advice they have received. His concern is that the scientists will be blamed for any shortfalls, especially when the devastating health and economic consequences of the lockdown become apparent.
Government ministers responded with an astonishing salvo: Th(C)r¨se Coffey, the secretary of state for work and pensions, played the 'it's the scientists wot made us do it' get-out-of-jail card during a Sky News interview by boldly suggesting that: "If the science was wrong, advice at the time was wrong, I'm not surprised if people will then think we then made a wrong decision."
This response demonstrates how right Sir Adrian is to raise concerns that trust in science could sour in the pandemic crisis. International science policy experts have raised this too.
Many governments have turned to scientists to try to get a measure of certainty in a crisis marked by enormous uncertainty. But, as Sir Adrian points out, politicians, not scientists, made the decisions that followed.
In the UK, the government has repeated ad nauseum the line that it has been "guided by the science" in its coronavirus response, and ministers have been conspicuously flanked at press conferences by senior scientific advisers.
But Sir Adrian's criticism of the government for making decisions behind closed doors when it should have been more open and transparent is more questionable. An editorial in the Times supporting Sir Adrian agreed that Boris Johnson should stop being so defensive, admit mistakes like the care home scandal, and acknowledge there is much that, with hindsight, the government would do differently. He was urged "to show that he has learnt the clearest lesson so far of this crisis: the importance of transparency."
But is "transparency" the clearest lesson so far in the coronavirus crisis? The need to hold the government to account for its decisions during this crisis, is indeed, critical. Hiding behind scientists and using their authority as a substitute for exercising political judgement is a real political problem.
But the absence of transparency is not the problem. This might have shone a more public light on decision-making - perhaps it would have shown where and how "the science" had been applied or not. This might shield scientists to some extent. But transparency has very little to do with the need for genuine accountability. And the scientists are not squeaky clean either.
The first point is that the government should be held to account for their actions and decisions, not the manner in which they have come to their conclusions.
In the context of a politicised health crisis, transparency would have made things worse. More openness would have short-circuited the difficult process of deliberation required to test out ideas that would involve many unpalatable options, especially given the uncertainty. When a professor of public health at Imperial College publicly blamed Boris Johnson for needless deaths and illnesses because he failed to act on their warnings, it became impossible for the government to have any honest open debate.
Every nuance or genuine difference of opinion - even if aired simply to clarify options - would have been seized upon as "evidence" of cabinet splits or as a weapon to beat the government with by a hostile media. Boris' "defensiveness" is totally understandable.
But this does not therefore mean that political accountability should be jettisoned or that hiding behind experts can be justified. Far from it. What is needed is real accountability - for both politicians and experts.
The second problem with the emerging blame game is that both sides have egg on their faces.
The scientists have played a key role in influencing the worst-case thinking which informed government decisions. The rapid transformation of the UK government's mitigation strategy to a draconian suppression one, almost overnight, was not simply a fearful political response to the images of bodies being transported by army trucks out of Bergamo. It was especially Professor Neil Ferguson's Imperial College simulation study, written to simulate a flu epidemic 13 years previously, and its projected 500,000 UK deaths, almost as a certainty, that caused this shift.
Sir Adrian is right that politicians wanted science to produce certainty. But the certainty some scientists provided mistook worst-case scenario possibility for fact, for reality. The nuance was not there but the desire to "do something," driven by the media, certainly was.
Now everyone has to deal with the consequences: and they're all running for cover rather than engage in an adult conversation about what went wrong - on both sides of the blame game boxing ring.
This reminds me of a South African joke about ANC-government corruption. A TV newsreader announces bad news and good news: "The bad news," she says, "is that the s**t is going to hit the fan. But the good news is, that because of power cuts, the fans will not be working."
Whether the fans in the UK will be working in our post-Covid-19 depression remains unknown. But from what we've seen so far, what's going to hit them is certainly not.Norman Lewis is a writer, speaker and consultant on innovation and technology, was most recently a Director at PriceWaterhouseCoopers, where he set up and led their crowdsourced innovation service. Follow him on Twitter @Norm_Lewis
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Text - H.R.5717 - 116th Congress (2019-2020): Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020 | Congress.gov | Library of Congress
Tue, 19 May 2020 07:43
There is one version of the bill.
H. R. 5717
To end the epidemic of gun violence and build safer communities by strengthening Federal firearms laws and supporting gun violence research, intervention, and prevention initiatives.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Mr. Johnson of Georgia (for himself, Mr. Kennedy , Mr. Quigley , Mr. Brown of Maryland, Mr. Morelle , Ms. DeLauro , Mrs. Carolyn B. Maloney of New York, Mr. Keating , Mr. Lynch , Mr. Moulton , Ms. Pressley , Mrs. Trahan , Mr. McGovern , Mr. Danny K. Davis of Illinois, Mr. Neal , Ms. Clark of Massachusetts, and Mr. Pascrell ) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and in addition to the Committees on Energy and Commerce, and Ways and Means, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned
A BILL
To end the epidemic of gun violence and build safer communities by strengthening Federal firearms laws and supporting gun violence research, intervention, and prevention initiatives.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of theUnited States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. Short title; table of contents .
(a) Short title .'--This Act may be cited as the ''Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020''.
(b) Table of contents .'--The table of contents for this Act is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
Sec. 101. License to own firearms and ammunition. Sec. 102. State firearms licensing. Sec. 201. Universal background checks. Sec. 202. Completion of background checks; 7-day waiting period. Sec. 203. Reporting of background check denials. Sec. 301. Protecting victims of domestic violence. Sec. 302. Fugitives from justice. Sec. 303. Minimum age for purchasing firearms and ammunition. Sec. 304. Secure gun storage by owners. Sec. 305. Secure gun storage or safety device for all firearms. Sec. 306. Consumer product safety standards for gun locks and gun safes. Sec. 307. Gun-free school zones. Sec. 401. Extreme risk protection order grant program. Sec. 402. Federal extreme risk protection orders. Sec. 403. Federal firearms prohibition. Sec. 404. Identification records. Sec. 405. Conforming amendment. Sec. 406. Full faith and credit. Sec. 511. Definitions. Sec. 512. Restrictions on assault weapons and large capacity ammunition feeding devices. Sec. 513. Penalties. Sec. 514. Use of Byrne grants for buy-back programs for semiautomatic assault weapons and large capacity ammunition feeding devices. Sec. 515. Ban on untraceable and undetectable firearms. Sec. 516. Prohibition on possession of certain firearm accessories. Sec. 521. Definition. Sec. 522. Restrictions on firearm silencers and firearm mufflers. Sec. 523. Penalties. Sec. 524. Effective date. Sec. 601. Prohibition against multiple firearm sales or purchases. Sec. 602. Increased penalties for making knowingly false statements in connection with firearms. Sec. 603. Retention of records. Sec. 604. Revised definition. Sec. 605. Firearms trafficking. Sec. 701. Gun shop security measures. Sec. 702. Inspections. Sec. 703. Employee background checks. Sec. 704. Gun store thefts. Sec. 705. Civil enforcement. Sec. 706. No effect on State laws governing dealing in firearms. Sec. 707. Lost and stolen reporting requirement. Sec. 708. Report on implementation. Sec. 709. Enhanced record keeping requirements. Sec. 710. Deadline for issuance of final regulations. Sec. 711. Repeal. Sec. 801. Repeal. Sec. 802. Repeal of exclusion of pistols, revolvers, and other firearms from consumer product safety laws. Sec. 803. Increase in excise taxes relating to firearms. Sec. 901. Community violence intervention grant program. Sec. 902. Funding for research on firearms safety or gun violence prevention. Sec. 1001. Severability. SEC. 101. License to own firearms and ammunition .
(a) In general .'--Chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:
'' § 932. License to own firearms and ammunition
''(a) In general .'--Except otherwise provided in this section, it shall be unlawful for any individual who is not licensed under this section to knowingly purchase, acquire, or possess a firearm or ammunition.
''(b) Eligibility .'--An individual shall be eligible to receive a license under this section if the individual'--
''(1) has attained 21 years of age; and
''(2) has completed training in firearms safety, including'--
''(A) a written test, to demonstrate knowledge of applicable firearms laws;
''(B) hands-on testing, including firing testing, to demonstrate safe use of a firearm;
''(C) as part of the process for applying for such a license'--
''(i) has submitted to a background investigation and criminal history check of the individual, including a background check using the National Instant Criminal Background Check System, to ensure the individual is not prohibited from possessing a firearm under subsection (g) or (n) of section 922; and
''(ii) has submitted a photograph of the individual;
''(D) has not been determined by a court, in accordance with subsection (c)(5), to be unsuitable to be issued a Federal firearm owner's license; and
''(E) is not otherwise prohibited by Federal, State, Tribal, or local law from possessing a firearm.
''(c) Establishment of Federal Firearm Owner's license .'--
''(1) I N GENERAL.'--The Attorney General shall issue a Federal firearm owner's license to any individual who is eligible under subsection (b).
''(2) I SSUANCE OF LICENSE OR NOTICE OF DENIAL.'--Not later than 40 days after the date on which an individual submits an application for a Federal firearm owner's license under this section, the Attorney General shall'--
''(A) determine whether the individual is eligible to possess a license under this section; and
''(B) based on the determination under subparagraph (A)'--
''(i) issue a Federal firearm owner's license to the individual; or
''(ii) provide written notice to the individual of'--
''(I) the determination that the individual is ineligible to possess such a license based on the requirements described in subsection (b), which shall include an explanation for the determination; or
''(II) a petition filed under paragraph (5).
''(3) E XPIRATION.'--A Federal firearm owner's license issued under this section shall expire on the date that is 10 years after the date on which the license was issued.
''(4) R ENEWAL OF LICENSE.'--
''(A) I N GENERAL.'--A Federal firearm owner's license issued under this section may be renewed at the end of the 10-year period described in paragraph (3).
''(B) R EQUIREMENTS.'--The process for renewal of a Federal firearm owner's license under subparagraph (A) shall include'--
''(i) an up-to-date background investigation and criminal history check of the individual; and
''(ii) a recent photograph of the individual.
''(C) I SSUANCE OF RENEWAL OR NOTICE OF DENIAL.'--Not later than 40 days after the date on which an individual submits an application for a renewal of a Federal firearm owner's license under this paragraph, the Attorney General shall'--
''(i) issue a renewed Federal firearm owner's license to the individual; and
''(ii) provide written notice to the individual of'--
''(I) the determination that the individual is ineligible to possess such a license based on the requirements described in subsection (b), which shall include an explanation for the determination; or
''(II) a petition filed under paragraph (5).
''(5) A TF DETERMINATION OF UNSUITABILITY.'--
''(A) I N GENERAL.'--The Director of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives may file a petition, which shall contain a written statement of the reasons supporting the request required under subparagraph (C), in an appropriate district court of the United States to request that'--
''(i) an individual who has applied for a Federal firearm owner's license, or renewal thereof, under this section be denied the request for such license; or
''(ii) a previously issued Federal firearm owner's license be suspended or revoked.
''(B) N OTICE.'--Any petition filed under subparagraph (A) shall include written notice to the individual who requested, or is in possession of, the Federal firearm owner's license, as the case may be, describing the facts and circumstances justifying the petition.
''(C) H EARING.'--Not later than 90 days after the date on which a petition is filed under subparagraph (A), the court shall conduct a hearing.
''(D) F ACTORS TO DETERMINE UNSUITABILITY.'--Not later than 15 days after the date on which a hearing is conducted under subparagraph (C), the court shall find that an individual is unsuitable to possess a Federal firearm owner's license if, based on a preponderance of the evidence, there exists'--
''(i) reliable, articulable, and credible information that the individual has exhibited or engaged in behavior to suggest the individual could potentially create a risk to public safety; or
''(ii) other existing factors that suggest that the individual could potentially create a risk to public safety.
''(E) N OTICE OF DETERMINATION.'--If a court finds an individual is unsuitable to possess a Federal firearm owner's license, the court shall notify the applicant in writing, setting forth the specific reasons for such determination.
''(6) R EVIEW.'--A determination of the Director of Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives or a district court of the United States under this subparagraph may be appealed to the appropriate court of the United States.
''(d) Exceptions .'--
''(1) P REVIOUSLY POSSESSED FIREARMS.'--Subsection (a) shall not apply to the possession of any firearm or ammunition by an individual who otherwise lawfully possessed the firearm or ammunition under Federal law on the date on which the Attorney General begins issuing Federal firearm owner's licenses under this section.
''(2) S TATE LICENSES.'--
''(A) I N GENERAL.'--Subsection (a) shall not apply to an individual in a State if the Attorney General determines that the State'--
''(i) has in effect a process for issuing a State firearm owner's license to eligible individuals in the State that is substantially similar to the requirements of subsection (b); and
''(ii) provides to the Attorney General real-time validity information relating to firearm owner's licenses issued by the State, for inclusion in the database described in section (f).
''(B) P UBLICATION OF LIST OF QUALIFYING STATES.'--
''(i) I N GENERAL.'--Not later than 2 years after the date of enactment of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020, the Attorney General shall publish a list of States that have in effect a process described in subparagraph (A).
''(ii) U PDATED LIST.'--The Attorney General shall update the list described in clause (i) immediately upon determining that a State should be included on or removed from the list.
''(3) L ICENSED DEALERS, MANUFACTURERS, AND IMPORTERS.'--Subsection (a) shall not apply to an individual who is a licensed dealer, licensed manufacturer, or licensed importer.
''(4) A GENCIES AND LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICERS.'--
''(A) I N GENERAL.'--Subsection (a) shall not apply to'--
''(i) the importation for, manufacture for, sale to, transfer to, or possession by the United States or a department or agency of the United States or a State or a department, agency, or political subdivision of a State, or a sale or transfer to or possession by a qualified law enforcement officer employed by the United States or a department or agency of the United States or a State or a department, agency, or political subdivision of a State, for purposes of law enforcement (whether on or off duty), or a sale or transfer to or possession by a campus law enforcement officer for purposes of law enforcement (whether on or off duty); or
''(ii) the importation for, or sale or transfer to a licensee under title I of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 for purposes of establishing and maintaining an on-site physical protection system and security organization required by Federal law, or possession by an employee or contractor of such licensee on-site for such purposes or off-site for purposes of licensee-authorized training or transportation of nuclear materials.
''(B) D EFINITION.'--For purposes of subparagraph (A), the term 'campus law enforcement officer' means an individual who is'--
''(i) employed by a private institution of higher education that is eligible for funding under title IV of the Higher Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 1070 et seq.);
''(ii) responsible for the prevention or investigation of crime involving injury to persons or property, including apprehension or detention of persons for such crimes;
''(iii) authorized by Federal, State, or local law to carry a firearm, execute search warrants, and make arrests; and
''(iv) recognized, commissioned, or certified by a government entity as a law enforcement officer.
''(e) Prohibition of straw purchasing .'--It shall be unlawful for any person to willfully use a valid Federal or State firearm license to purchase a firearm or ammunition on behalf of another individual, regardless of whether the other individual has a valid Federal or State firearm license.
''(f) Penalties .'--Any person who violates subsection (a) or (e) shall be imprisoned not more than 2 years, fined in accordance with this title, or both.
''(g) Database .'--The Attorney General shall establish an electronic database, which shall be accessible by Federal, State, local, and Tribal law enforcement agencies and licensed dealers, through which a licensed dealer may verify the validity of a Federal firearm owner's license issued under this section.
''(h) Revocation of licenses .'--
''(1) I N GENERAL.'--The Attorney General shall revoke the Federal firearm owner's license issued to an individual under this section upon the occurrence of any event that would have disqualified the individual from being issued or renewed a Federal firearm owner's license under this section or for a violation of a restriction provided under this section.
''(2) R EQUIRED NOTICE.'--Upon revocation of a Federal firearm owner's license under paragraph (1), the Attorney General shall provide written notice of such revocation to the individual to whom the license was issued.
''(3) A PPEAL OF REVOCATION.'--
''(A) I N GENERAL.'--An individual who has the Federal firearm owner's license of the individual revoked under this subsection may appeal the revocation determination to the Director of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives.
''(B) R EQUIREMENT.'--Not later than 14 days after the date on which an individual appeals a revocation determination under subparagraph (A), the Director of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives shall conduct a hearing on the appeal.
''(C) N OTICE OF DETERMINATION.'--The Director of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives shall provide written notice of the determination made after a hearing under subparagraph (B) regarding the appealed revocation to the individual.
''(D) A PPEAL.'--If the Director of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives determines after a hearing under this paragraph to uphold the revocation, the determination may be appealed to an appropriate district court of the United States.
''(i) Authorization of appropriations .'--There are authorized to be appropriated to the Attorney General such sums as are necessary to carry out this section.''.
(b) Clerical amendment .'--The table of sections for such chapter is amended by adding at the end the following:
''932. License to own firearms and ammunition.''.
(c) Effective date .'--The amendments made by subsections (a) and (b) shall take effect on the date that is 2 years after the date of enactment of this Act.
(d) Regulations .'--
(1) I N GENERAL.'--Not later than 1 year after the date of enactment of this Act, the Attorney General shall promulgate regulations to carry out section 932 of title 18, United States Code, as added by subsection (a), including a regulation requiring that any firearm manufactured after the effective date described in subsection (c) of this section be legibly and conspicuously engraved or cast with the date on which the firearm was manufactured.
(2) R EQUIREMENT.'--The Attorney General shall conduct, not less frequently than annually, a background investigation of each individual to whom a Federal firearm owner's license is issued under this section to ensure that the individual is not prohibited from possessing a firearm under subsection (g) or (n) of section 922 or under State law.
(e) Annual report .'--Not later than 1 year after the date of enactment of this Act, and each year thereafter, the Attorney General shall submit a report to Congress on the implementation of section 932 of title 18, United States Code, as added by subsection (a), and recommendations, if any, for improvements of the system required to be established under such section 932.
SEC. 102. State firearms licensing .
(a) In general .'--Title I of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10101 et seq.) is amended by adding at the end the following:
''PART OO '-- Firearms licensing
''SEC. 3051. Definitions .
''(a) In general .'--In this part'--
''(1) the term 'covered license' means a'--
''(A) firearms license; or
''(B) firearms dealer license;
''(2) the term 'extreme risk protection order''--
''(A) means a written order, issued by a State court or signed by a magistrate that, for a period not to exceed a time frame established by the State'--
''(i) prohibits the individual named in the order from having under the custody or control of the individual, purchasing, possessing, or receiving a firearm or ammunition; and
''(ii) requires that any firearm or ammunition under the custody or control of the individual be removed; and
''(B) does not include a domestic violence protection order, as defined in section 2266 of title 18, United States Code;
''(3) the term 'prohibited individual' means an individual who is categorically ineligible to receive a covered license;
''(4) the term 'suitable' means that an individual does not create a risk to public safety; and
''(5) the term 'thorough background check' means a Federal and State background check, which may include a fingerprint-based background check.
''(b) Prohibited individuals .'--For purposes of this part, a State'--
''(1) shall establish standards for categorizing an individual as a prohibited individual for purposes of receiving a covered license; and
''(2) in establishing standards with respect to a covered license under paragraph (1), shall take into consideration whether limitations may be warranted based on'--
''(A) criminal history;
''(B) whether an individual has been'--
''(i) deemed a danger to himself or herself or other individuals by a court or authorized administrative body; or
''(ii) committed to a hospital or institution as a danger to himself or herself or other individuals;
''(C) age;
''(D) legal residency;
''(E) military dishonorable discharges;
''(F) whether an individual is subject to a permanent or temporary protection order or has ever been convicted of a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence;
''(G) outstanding arrest warrants;
''(H) status as a fugitive;
''(I) renunciation of United States citizenship; and
''(J) other factors relevant to the suitability of a license holder.
''SEC. 3052. Grants and conditions .
''(a) Grants authorized .'--The Assistant Attorney General may make grants to States to implement or maintain firearms and firearms dealer licensing requirements.
''(b) Duration of grants .'--A grant under subsection (a) shall be for a period of 3 fiscal years.
''(c) Use of funds for firearms and firearms dealer licensing .'--
''(1) A CTIVITIES.'--Amounts received under a grant under subsection (a) shall be used for the implementation or maintenance of firearms and firearms dealer licensing requirements, which shall incorporate and implement the elements described in paragraph (2).
''(2) E LEMENTS.'--The elements described in this paragraph are those providing that'--
''(A) an individual shall have a firearms license'--
''(i) at the time of the purchase, rental, or lease of a firearm or purchase of ammunition; and
''(ii) during the entire period of ownership or possession of a firearm or ammunition;
''(B) (i) an individual who (including the owner or operator of a business that) sells, rents, or leases a minimum number of firearms, or sells ammunition, during a calendar year shall obtain a firearms dealer license; and
''(ii) the State shall establish the minimum number of firearms for purposes of clause (i), which may not be higher than 10 per calendar year;
''(C) the chief of police or the board or officer having control of the police department of a local government, or a designee within the same department, shall function as the licensing authority;
''(D) for an application for issuance or renewal of a firearms license, the licensing authority shall'--
''(i) conduct a thorough background check, which may include'--
''(I) conducting an interview with the applicant;
''(II) requiring the submission of letters of reference stating that the applicant is of sound mind and character; and
''(III) any other requirements the State determines relevant; and
''(ii) make a determination of suitability;
''(E) a first-time firearms license applicant shall complete safety training;
''(F) for an application for issuance or renewal of a firearms dealer license, the licensing authority shall conduct an investigation into the criminal history of the applicant, which may include'--
''(i) an interview with the applicant;
''(ii) a thorough background check; and
''(iii) any other requirements the State determines relevant;
''(G) the State shall establish appropriate application processes for covered licenses consistent with Federal, State, and local law;
''(H) the State shall establish standards and processes by which licensing authorities can revoke, suspend, or deny the issuance or renewal of a covered license;
''(I) the State shall ensure that a revocation, suspension, or denial cannot be based on race, color, ethnicity, religion, sex, sexual orientation, or gender identity;
''(J) the State shall establish judicial review processes by which any applicant for or holder of a covered license may, within a reasonable time period, petition to obtain judicial review of a revocation, suspension, or denial of the issuance or renewal of a covered license;
''(K) the State shall establish'--
''(i) standards and a process under which a family member of an individual who the family member fears is a danger to himself, herself, or others may petition for an extreme risk protection order; and
''(ii) standards for the termination or extension of an order described in clause (i);
''(L) the State shall establish processes under which'--
''(i) an individual whose covered license is revoked or suspended, or whose application for issuance or renewal of a covered license is denied, shall surrender or transfer all firearms and ammunition that are or would have been covered by the license; and
''(ii) an individual who is subject to an extreme risk protection order or a domestic protection order, as defined in section 2266 of title 18, United States Code, shall surrender or transfer all firearms and ammunition in the possession of the individual;
''(M) the State shall establish requirements with which a firearms dealer licensee must comply, which'--
''(i) shall include requirements relating to'--
''(I) the location at which the licensee conducts firearm or ammunition transactions;
''(II) the manner in which the licensee records firearm or ammunition transactions;
''(III) background checks for employees of the licensee; and
''(IV) any other matter that the State determines appropriate; and
''(ii) may include requirements that a licensee'--
''(I) maintain a permanent place of business'--
''(aa) that is not a residence; and
''(bb) at which the licensee conducts all firearms or ammunition transactions;
''(II) submit to mandatory record and inventory inspections by a licensing authority;
''(III) maintain a sales record book at the permanent place of business described in subclause (I) in accordance with standards established by the State;
''(IV) conduct a pre-employment background check on each potential employee to determine the suitability of any potential employee who may have direct and unmonitored contact with a firearm or ammunition; and
''(V) take any other action that the State determines appropriate;
''(N) the State shall promulgate rules and regulations to ensure the prompt collection, exchange, dissemination, and distribution of information pertaining to the issuance, renewal, expiration, suspension, or revocation of a covered license;
''(O) the State shall establish standards that are consistent with Federal and State law'--
''(i) governing the transfer of a firearm or ammunition; and
''(ii) for identifying a prohibited individual, in accordance with section 3051(b);
''(P) the State shall promulgate rules and regulations that require a dealer or private seller of firearms or ammunition to verify the validity of a firearms license before the sale, rental, or lease of any firearm or the sale of any ammunition;
''(Q) a dealer or private seller of firearms or ammunition shall report all sales, rentals, and leases of firearms, and sales of ammunition, to State authorities;
''(R) a dealer of firearms or ammunition shall notify the licensing authority when presented with an invalid or expired firearms license;
''(S) any firearms licensee whose firearm or ammunition is lost or stolen shall report the loss or theft to the licensing authority and State authorities within a reasonable time frame and in a manner established by the State;
''(T) an individual holding a firearms license or firearms dealer license shall renew the license on a time frame established by the State;
''(U) an individual may not use the firearms license of the individual to purchase a firearm or ammunition for'--
''(i) the unlawful use of the firearm or ammunition by another individual; or
''(ii) the resale or other transfer of the firearm or ammunition to an unlicensed individual; and
''(V) (i) it shall be unlawful to store or keep a firearm in any place unless the firearm is secured in a locked container or equipped with a tamper-resistant mechanical lock or other safety device, properly engaged so as to render the firearm inoperable by any individual other than the owner or other lawfully authorized user; and
''(ii) for purposes of clause (i), a firearm shall not be considered to be stored or kept if carried by or under the control of the owner or other lawfully authorized user.
''(3) S EPARATE AMMUNITION DEALER LICENSE PERMITTED.'--A State that requires a license for dealing ammunition that is separate from a license for dealing firearms shall be deemed to have satisfied the requirements under paragraph (2) relating to a firearms dealer license, as that license relates to the dealing of ammunition, if the State imposes the same requirements for an ammunition dealer license as are mandated under paragraph (2) for a firearms dealer license, as that license relates to the dealing of ammunition.
''(d) Application .'--To be eligible to receive a grant under subsection (a), a State shall submit to the Assistant Attorney General an application at such time, in such manner, and containing such information as the Assistant Attorney General may require, including a description of how the State will use the grant to implement or maintain firearms and firearms dealer licensing requirements that include the elements described in subsection (c)(2).
''(e) Annual report .'--Each State receiving a grant under this section shall submit to the Assistant Attorney General, for each fiscal year during which the State expends amounts received under the grant, a report, at such time and in such manner as the Assistant Attorney General may reasonably require, that contains'--
''(1) a summary of the activities carried out using amounts made available under the grant;
''(2) an assessment of whether the activities are achieving the elements described in subsection (c)(2); and
''(3) such other information as the Assistant Attorney General may require.
''(f) Limitations on the allocation of funds .'--Not more than 2 percent of the amount made available to carry out this section in any fiscal year may be used by the Assistant Attorney General for salaries and administrative expenses.
''(g) Reallocation of appropriations .'--A recipient of a grant under subsection (a) shall return to the Assistant Attorney General any amounts received under the grant that are not expended for a purpose described in this section.''.
(b) Authorization of appropriations .'--Section 1001(a) of title I of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10261(a)) is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(29) There are authorized to be appropriated such sums as may be necessary to carry out part OO.''.
SEC. 201. Universal background checks .
(a) In general .'--Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by this Act, is amended'--
(1) by repealing subsection (s);
(2) by redesignating subsection (t) as subsection (s);
(3) in subsection (s), as redesignated'--
(A) in paragraph (1)'--
(i) by redesignating subparagraphs (A), (B), and (C) as subparagraphs (B), (C), and (D), respectively; and
(ii) by inserting before subparagraph (B), as so redesignated, the following:
''(A) beginning on the date that the database is established under section 932(g), before completion of the transfer, the licensee verifies, using such database, that the purchaser has a valid'--
''(i) Federal firearm owner's license issued under section 932; or
''(ii) qualifying State firearm license, as described in section 932(d)(2), for the State in which the transfer will occur;''; and
(B) in paragraph (3)'--
(i) by striking subparagraph (A);
(ii) by redesignating subparagraphs (B) and (C) as subparagraphs (A) and (B), respectively; and
(iii) in subparagraph (B)(ii), as so redesignated, by striking ''(as defined in subsection (s)(8))''; and
(4) by inserting after subsection (s), as so redesignated, the following:''(t) (1) (A) Beginning on the date that is 180 days after the date of enactment of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020, it shall be unlawful for any person who is not a licensed importer, licensed manufacturer, or licensed dealer to transfer a firearm to any other person who is not so licensed, unless a licensed importer, licensed manufacturer, or licensed dealer has first taken possession of the firearm for the purpose of complying with subsection (s).
''(B) Upon taking possession of a firearm under subparagraph (A), a licensee shall comply with all requirements of this chapter as if the licensee were transferring the firearm from the inventory of the licensee to the unlicensed transferee.
''(C) If a transfer of a firearm described in subparagraph (A) will not be completed for any reason after a licensee takes possession of the firearm (including because the transfer of the firearm to, or receipt of the firearm by, the transferee would violate this chapter), the return of the firearm to the transferor by the licensee shall not constitute the transfer of a firearm for purposes of this chapter.
''(2) Paragraph (1) shall not apply to'--
''(A) a law enforcement agency or any law enforcement officer, armed private security professional, or member of the armed forces, to the extent the officer, professional, or member is acting within the course and scope of employment and official duties;
''(B) a transfer that is a loan or bona fide gift between spouses, between domestic partners, between parents and their children, between siblings, between aunts or uncles and their nieces or nephews, or between grandparents and their grandchildren, if the transferor has no reason to believe that the transferee'--
''(i) will use or intends to use the firearm in a crime or is prohibited from possessing firearms under Federal, State, Tribal, or local law;
''(ii) has committed domestic violence (as defined in section 40002 of the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (34 U.S.C. 12291) or by the jurisdiction in which the transfer is occurring or in which the transferee resides); or
''(iii) is subject to a protection order (as defined in section 2266);
''(C) a transfer to an executor, administrator, trustee, or personal representative of an estate or a trust that occurs by operation of law upon the death of another person;
''(D) a temporary transfer that is necessary to prevent imminent death or great bodily harm, if the possession by the transferee lasts only as long as immediately necessary to prevent the imminent death or great bodily harm;
''(E) a transfer that is approved by the Attorney General under section 5812 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986; or
''(F) a temporary transfer if the transferor has no reason to believe that the transferee will use or intends to use the firearm in a crime or is prohibited from possessing firearms under State, Federal, Tribal, or local law, and no reason to believe that the transferee has committed domestic violence (as defined in section 40002 of the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (34 U.S.C. 12291) or by the jurisdiction in which the transfer is occurring or in which the transferee resides) or is subject to a protection order (as defined in section 2266), and the transfer takes place and the transferee's possession of the firearm is exclusively'--
''(i) at a shooting range or in a shooting gallery or other area designated for the purpose of target shooting;
''(ii) while reasonably necessary for the purposes of hunting, trapping, or fishing, if the transferor'--
''(I) has no reason to believe that the transferee intends to use the firearm in a place where it is illegal; and
''(II) has reason to believe that the transferee will comply with all licensing and permit requirements for such hunting, trapping, or fishing; or
''(iii) while in the presence of the transferor.''.
(b) Technical and conforming amendments .'--
(1) S ECTION 922.'--Section 922(y)(2) of title 18, United States Code, is amended, in the matter preceding subparagraph (A), by striking '', (g)(5)(B), and (s)(3)(B)(v)(II)'' and inserting ''and (g)(5)(B)''.
(2) S ECTION 925A.'--Section 925A of title 18, United States Code, is amended, in the matter preceding paragraph (1), by striking ''subsection (s) or (t) of section 922'' and inserting ''section 922(s)''.
SEC. 202. COMPLETION OF BACKGROUND CHECKS; 7 -DAY WAITING PERIOD.
Section 922(s)(1)(C) of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 201 of this Act, is amended'--
(1) in clause (i), by striking ''; or'' and inserting ''; and''; and
(2) in clause (ii)'--
(A) by striking ''3 business'' and inserting ''not less than 7 business''; and
(B) by striking '', and the'' and all that follows through ''this section''.
SEC. 203. Reporting of background check denials .
(a) In general .'--Chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by inserting after section 925A the following:
'' § 925B. Reporting of background check denials to State authorities
''(a) In general .'--If the national instant criminal background check system established under section 103 of the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act (34 U.S.C. 40901) (commonly referred to as 'NICS') provides a notice pursuant to section 922(s) of this title that the receipt of a firearm by a person would violate subsection (g) or (n) of section 922 of this title or State law, the Attorney General shall, in accordance with subsection (b) of this section'--
''(1) report to the law enforcement authorities of the State where the person sought to acquire the firearm and, if different, the law enforcement authorities of the State of residence of the person'--
''(A) that the notice was provided;
''(B) the specific provision of law that would have been violated;
''(C) the date and time the notice was provided;
''(D) the location where the firearm was sought to be acquired; and
''(E) the identity of the person; and
''(2) where practicable, report the incident to local law enforcement authorities and State and local prosecutors in the jurisdiction where the firearm was sought and in the jurisdiction where the person resides.
''(b) Requirements for report .'--A report is made in accordance with this section if the report is made within 24 hours after the provision of the notice described in subsection (a), except that the making of the report may be delayed for so long as is necessary to avoid compromising an ongoing investigation.
''(c) Amendment of report .'--If a report is made in accordance with this section and, after such report is made, the Federal Bureau of Investigation or the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives determines that the receipt of a firearm by a person for whom the report was made would not violate subsection (g) or (n) of section 922 of this title or State law, the Attorney General shall, in accordance with subsection (b), notify any law enforcement authority and any prosecutor to whom the report was made of that determination.
''(d) Rule of construction .'--Nothing in subsection (a) shall be construed to require a report with respect to a person to be made to the same State authorities that originally issued the notice with respect to the person.
'' § 925C. Annual report to Congress
''Not later than 1 year after the date of enactment of this section, and annually thereafter, the Attorney General shall submit to Congress a report detailing the following, broken down by Federal judicial district:
''(1) With respect to each category of persons prohibited by subsection (g) or (n) of section 922 of this title or State law from receiving or possessing a firearm who are so denied a firearm'--
''(A) the number of denials;
''(B) the number of denials referred to the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives;
''(C) the number of denials for which the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives determines that the person denied was not prohibited by subsection (g) or (n) of section 922 of this title or State law from receiving or possessing a firearm;
''(D) the number of denials overturned through the national instant criminal background check system appeals process and the reasons for overturning the denials;
''(E) the number of denials with respect to which an investigation was opened by a field division of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives;
''(F) the number of persons charged with a Federal criminal offense in connection with a denial; and
''(G) the number of convictions obtained by Federal authorities in connection with a denial.
''(2) The number of background check notices reported to State authorities pursuant to section 925B (including the number of the notices that would have been so reported but for section 925B(c)).''.
(b) Clerical amendment .'--The table of sections for chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by inserting after the item relating to section 925A the following:
''925B. Reporting of background check denials to State authorities. ''925C. Annual report to Congress.''. SEC. 301. Protecting victims of domestic violence .
(a) Definition .'--Section 921(a) of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) by striking paragraph (32) and inserting the following:
''(32) The term 'intimate partner' means, with respect to a person, the spouse of the person, a former spouse of the person, an individual who cohabitates or has cohabited with the person, a dating partner or former dating partner (as defined in section 2266) of the person, and any other person similarly situated to a spouse who is protected by the domestic or family violence laws of the jurisdiction in which the injury occurred or where the victim resides.'';
(2) in paragraph (33)(A)'--
(A) in the matter preceding clause (i), by striking ''Except as provided in subparagraph (C), the term'' and inserting ''The term'';
(B) in clause (i), by inserting ''municipal,'' after ''State,''; and
(C) in clause (ii), by inserting ''dating partner (as defined in section 2266),'' after ''spouse,'' each place the term appears; and
(3) by adding at the end the following:
''(36) (A) The term 'misdemeanor crime of stalking' means an offense that'--
''(i) is a misdemeanor crime of stalking under Federal, State, Tribal, or municipal law; and
''(ii) is a course of harassment, intimidation, or surveillance of another person that'--
''(I) places that person in reasonable fear of material harm to the health or safety of'--
''(aa) that person;
''(bb) an immediate family member (as defined in section 115) of that person;
''(cc) a household member of that person; or
''(dd) a spouse or intimate partner of that person; or
''(II) causes, attempts to cause, or would reasonably be expected to cause emotional distress to a person described in item (aa), (bb), (cc), or (dd) of subclause (I).
''(B) A person shall not be considered to have been convicted of such an offense for purposes of this chapter, unless'--
''(i) the person was represented by counsel in the case, or knowingly and intelligently waived the right to counsel in the case; and
''(ii) in the case of a prosecution for an offense described in this paragraph for which a person was entitled to a jury trial in the jurisdiction in which the case was tried, either'--
''(I) the case was tried by a jury; or
''(II) the person knowingly and intelligently waived the right to have the case tried by a jury, by guilty plea or otherwise.
''(C) A person shall not be considered to have been convicted of such an offense for purposes of this chapter if the conviction has been expunged or set aside, or is an offense for which the person has been pardoned or has had civil rights restored (if the law of the applicable jurisdiction provides for the loss of civil rights under such an offense) unless the pardon, expungement, or restoration of civil rights expressly provides that the person may not ship, transport, possess, or receive firearms.''.
(b) Addition of stalking and those subject to court order .'--Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) in subsection (d)'--
(A) in paragraph (8)'--
(i) in the matter preceding clause (i), by striking ''that restrains such person'' and all that follows and inserting ''described in subsection (g)(8);''; and
(ii) by striking subparagraphs (A) and (B);
(B) in paragraph (9), by striking the period at the end and inserting a semicolon; and
(C) by inserting after paragraph (9) the following:
''(10) has been convicted in any court of a misdemeanor crime of stalking; or''; and
(2) in subsection (g)'--
(A) by amending paragraph (8) to read as follows:
''(8) who is subject to a court order'--
''(A) that was issued'--
''(i) after a hearing of which such person received actual notice, and at which such person had an opportunity to participate; or
''(ii) in the case of an ex parte order, relative to which notice and opportunity to be heard are provided'--
''(I) within the time required by State, tribal, or territorial law; and
''(II) in any event within a reasonable time after the order is issued, sufficient to protect the due process rights of the person;
''(B) that restrains such person from'--
''(i) harassing, stalking, or threatening an intimate partner of such person or child of such intimate partner or person, or engaging in other conduct that would place an intimate partner in reasonable fear of bodily injury to the partner or child; or
''(ii) intimidating or dissuading a witness from testifying in court; and
''(C) that'--
''(i) includes a finding that such person represents a credible threat to the physical safety of such individual described in subparagraph (B); or
''(ii) by its terms explicitly prohibits the use, attempted use, or threatened use of physical force against such individual described in subparagraph (B) that would reasonably be expected to cause bodily injury;'';
(B) in paragraph (9), by striking the comma at the end and inserting a semicolon; and
(C) by inserting after paragraph (9) the following:
''(10) has been convicted in any court of a misdemeanor crime of stalking; or''.
SEC. 302. Fugitives from justice .
Chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) in section 921(a)(15) of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(A) by striking the period at the end and inserting ''; or''; and
(B) by adding at the end the following:
''(B) is subject to an outstanding arrest warrant issued by any court.''; and
(2) in section 922(g)(2) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by inserting ''knows that he or she'' after ''who''.
SEC. 303. Minimum age for purchasing firearms and ammunition .
(a) In general .'--Chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) in section 922'--
(A) in subsection (a)'--
(i) in paragraph (2)(A), by striking ''(b)(3)'' and inserting ''(b)(2)'';
(ii) in paragraph (3), by striking ''(b)(3)'' and inserting ''(b)(2)'';
(iii) in paragraph (9), by striking the period at the end and inserting ''; and''; and
(iv) by adding at the end the following:
''(10) for any person to transfer, sell, trade, give, transport, or deliver any firearm or ammunition to any person who the transferor knows or has reasonable cause to believe is less than 21 years of age, except that this paragraph shall not apply to'--
''(A) a temporary transfer of a firearm or ammunition to a person who is less than 21 years of age or to the possession or use of a firearm or ammunition by a person who is less than 21 years of age if the firearm or ammunition is possessed and used by the person'--
''(i) in the course of employment, in the course of ranching or farming related to activities at the residence of the person (or on property used for ranching or farming at which the person, with the permission of the property owner or lessee, is performing activities related to the operation of the farm or ranch), target practice, hunting, or a course of instruction in the safe and lawful use of a firearm;
''(ii) with the prior written consent of the person's parent or guardian who is not prohibited by Federal, State, or local law from possessing a firearm, except'--
''(I) during transportation by the person of an unloaded firearm in a locked container directly from the place of transfer to a place at which an activity described in clause (i) is to take place and transportation by the person of that firearm, unloaded and in a locked container, directly from the place at which such an activity took place to the transferor; or
''(II) with respect to ranching or farming activities as described in clause (i), a person who is less than 21 years of age may possess and use a firearm or ammunition with the prior written approval of the person's parent or legal guardian and at the direction of an adult who is not prohibited by Federal, State or local law from possessing a firearm;
''(iii) the person has the prior written consent in the person's possession at all times when a firearm or ammunition is in the possession of the person; and
''(iv) in accordance with State and local law;
''(B) a person who is less than 21 years of age who is a member of the Armed Forces of the United States or the National Guard who possesses or is armed with a firearm or ammunition in the line of duty;
''(C) a transfer by inheritance of title (but not possession) of a firearm or ammunition to a person who is less than 21 years of age; or
''(D) the possession of a firearm or ammunition by a person who is less than 21 years of age for the purpose described in subsection (x)(3)(D).'';
(B) in subsection (b)'--
(i) by striking paragraph (1);
(ii) by redesignating paragraphs (2), (3), (4), and (5) as paragraphs (1), (2), (3), and (4), respectively; and
(iii) in the undesignated matter following paragraph (4), as so redesignated'--
(I) in the first sentence, by striking ''Paragraphs (1), (2), (3), and (4)'' and inserting ''Subsection (a)(10) and paragraphs (1), (2), and (3)''; and
(II) in the second sentence, by striking ''Paragraph (4)'' and inserting ''Paragraph (3)''; and
(C) in subsection (c)(1), by striking '', in the case of any firearm other than a shotgun or a rifle, I am twenty-one years or more of age, or that, in the case of a shotgun or a rifle, I am eighteen years or more of age'' and inserting ''I am 21 years or more of age''; and
(2) in section 924'--
(A) in subsection (a)(6), by striking ''handgun'' each place the term appears and inserting ''firearm''; and
(B) in subsection (d)(3)(C), by striking ''922(b)(3)'' each place the term appears and inserting ''922(b)(2)''.
(b) Technical and conforming amendments .'--
(1) Section 4182(d) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 is amended by striking ''922(b)(5)'' and inserting ''922(b)(4)''.
(2) Section 161A(b) of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2201a(b)) is amended, in the matter preceding paragraph (1), by striking ''(b)(2), (b)(4)'' and inserting ''(b)(1), (b)(3)''.
SEC. 304. Secure gun storage by owners .
Section 922(z) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(4) S ECURE GUN STORAGE BY OWNERS.'--
''(A) O FFENSE.'--
''(i) I N GENERAL.'--Except as provided in clause (ii), it shall be unlawful for a person to store or keep any firearm that has moved in, or that has otherwise affected, interstate or foreign commerce on the premises of a residence under the control of the person if the person knows, or reasonably should know, that'--
''(I) a minor is likely to gain access to the firearm without the permission of the parent or guardian of the minor; or
''(II) a resident of the residence is ineligible to possess a firearm under Federal, State, or local law.
''(ii) E XCEPTION.'--Clause (i) shall not apply to a person if the person'--
''(I) keeps the firearm'--
''(aa) secure using a secure gun storage or safety device; or
''(bb) in a location which a reasonable person would believe to be secure; or
''(II) carries the firearm on his or her person or within such close proximity thereto that the person can readily retrieve and use the firearm as if the person carried the firearm on his or her person.
''(B) P ENALTY.'--
''(i) I N GENERAL.'--Any person who violates subparagraph (A) shall be subject to a $500 civil penalty per violation.
''(ii) E NHANCED PENALTY.'--If a person violates subparagraph (A) and a minor or a resident who is ineligible to possess a firearm under Federal, State, or local law obtains the firearm, the person shall be fined under this title, imprisoned for not more than 5 years, or both.
''(iii) F ORFEITURE OF IMPROPERLY STORED FIREARM.'--Any firearm stored in violation of subparagraph (A) shall be subject to seizure and forfeiture in accordance with the procedures described in section 924(d).
''(C) M INOR DEFINED.'--In this paragraph, the term 'minor' means an individual who is less than 18 years of age.''.
SEC. 305. Secure gun storage or safety device for all firearms .
Section 922(z) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by striking ''handgun'' each place it appears and inserting ''firearm''.
SEC. 306. Consumer product safety standards for gun locks and gun safes .
(a) In general .'--The Consumer Product Safety Act (15 U.S.C. 2051 et seq.) is amended by adding at the end the following:
''SEC. 43. Consumer product safety standards for firearm locks and firearm safes .
''(a) Establishment of standards .'--
''(1) R ULEMAKING REQUIRED.'--
''(A) R ULEMAKING PROCEEDING.'--Notwithstanding section 3(a)(5)(E), the Commission shall initiate a rulemaking proceeding under section 553 of title 5, United States Code, within 90 days after the date of the enactment of this section to establish'--
''(i) a consumer product safety standard for firearm locks; and
''(ii) a consumer product safety standard for firearm safes.
''(B) F INAL RULE.'--Notwithstanding any other provision of law, including chapter 5 of title 5, United States Code, the Commission shall promulgate final consumer product safety standards under this paragraph within 12 months after the date on which the Commission initiates the rulemaking proceeding under subparagraph (A).
''(C) E FFECTIVE DATE.'--Each final consumer product safety standard promulgated under this paragraph shall take effect 6 months after the date on which such standard is promulgated.
''(2) R EQUIREMENTS FOR FIREARM LOCK STANDARD.'--The standard for firearm locks promulgated under paragraph (1) shall require firearm locks that'--
''(A) are sufficiently difficult for an unauthorized user to de-activate or remove; and
''(B) prevent the discharge of the firearm unless the firearm lock has been de-activated or removed.
''(3) R EQUIREMENTS FOR FIREARM SAFE STANDARD.'--The standard for firearm safes promulgated under paragraph (1) shall require firearm safes that reliably secure firearms from unauthorized users, and include reliable security features, quality, and construction to reliably prevent unauthorized users from gaining access to a firearm by damaging or physically manipulating the safe.
''(b) Certain provisions not To apply .'--
''(1) P ROVISIONS OF THIS ACT.'--Sections 7 and 9 of this Act do not apply to the rulemaking proceeding under paragraph (1) of subsection (a).
''(2) CHAPTER 5 OF TITLE 5 .'--Except for section 553, chapter 5 of title 5, United States Code, does not apply to this section.
''(3) CHAPTER 6 OF TITLE 5 .'--Chapter 6 of title 5, United States Code, does not apply to this section.
''(4) N ATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY ACT.'--The National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4321 et seq.) does not apply to this section.
''(c) No effect on State law .'--Notwithstanding section 26 of this Act, this section does not annul, alter, impair, affect, or exempt any person subject to a consumer product safety standard promulgated under subsection (a)(1) from complying with any provision of the law of any State or any political subdivision thereof, except to the extent that such provision is inconsistent with any such standard, and then only to the extent of the inconsistency. A provision of the law of a State or a political subdivision thereof is not inconsistent with a consumer product safety standard promulgated under subsection (a)(1) if such provision affords greater protection to individuals with respect to firearms than is afforded by such standard.
''(d) Enforcement .'--Notwithstanding subsection (b)(1), the consumer product safety standards promulgated by the Commission under subsection (a)(1) shall be enforced under this Act as if such standards were consumer product safety standards described in section 7(a).
''(e) Definitions .'--In this section:
''(1) F IREARM.'--The term 'firearm' has the meaning given the term in section 921(a) of title 18, United States Code.
''(2) F IREARM LOCK.'--The term 'firearm lock' means any disabling or locking device that is not built into the firearm at the time of manufacture and that is designed to prevent the firearm from being discharged unless the device has been deactivated or removed.
''(3) F IREARM SAFE.'--The term 'firearm safe' means a container that is advertised to be used to store a firearm and that is designed to be unlocked only by means of a key, a combination, or other similar means.''.
(b) Conforming amendment .'--Section 1 of the Consumer Product Safety Act is amended by adding at the end of the table of contents the following:
''Sec. 43. Consumer product safety standards for firearm locks and firearm safes.''.
(c) Authorization of appropriations .'--There are authorized to be appropriated to the Consumer Product Safety Commission $2,000,000 to carry out the provisions of section 43 of the Consumer Product Safety Act, as added by subsection (a), such sums to remain available until expended.
SEC. 307. Gun-free school zones .
(a) Extension of Gun-Free School Zones Act to colleges and universities .'--Section 921(a) of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) in paragraph (25), by striking ''public, parochial or private'' each place that term appears; and
(2) in paragraph (26)'--
(A) by striking ''means a school'' and inserting the following: ''means'--
''(A) a public, parochial, or private school''; and
(B) by striking the period at the end and inserting the following: ''; and
''(B) an institution of higher education, as defined in section 102 of the Higher Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 1002).''.
(b) Elimination of exception for licensed individuals .'--Section 922(q)(2)(B) of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) by striking clause (ii); and
(2) by redesignating clauses (iii) through (vii) as clauses (ii) through (vi), respectively.
SEC. 401. Extreme risk protection order grant program .
(a) Definitions .'--In this section:
(1) E LIGIBLE ENTITY.'--The term ''eligible entity'' means'--
(A) a State or Indian Tribe'--
(i) that enacts legislation described in subsection (c);
(ii) with respect to which the Attorney General determines that the legislation described in subsection (c) complies with the requirements of this section; and
(iii) that certifies to the Attorney General that the State or Indian Tribe shall'--
(I) use the grant for the purposes described in this section; and
(II) allocate not less than 25 percent of the amount received under a grant under this section for training for law enforcement; or
(B) a unit of local government or other public or private entity that'--
(i) is located in a State or in the territory under the jurisdiction of an Indian Tribe that meets the requirements of subparagraph (A); and
(ii) certifies to the Attorney General that the unit of local government or entity shall'--
(I) use the grant for the purposes described in this section; and
(II) allocate not less than 25 percent of the amount received under a grant under this section for training for law enforcement.
(2) E XTREME RISK PROTECTION ORDER.'--
(A) I N GENERAL.'--The term ''extreme risk protection order'' means a written order or warrant, issued by a State, Tribal, or local court or signed by a magistrate (or other comparable judicial officer), the primary purpose of which is to reduce the risk of firearm-related death or injury by doing 1 or more of the following:
(i) Prohibiting a named individual from having under the custody or control of the individual, owning, purchasing, possessing, or receiving a firearm.
(ii) Having a firearm removed or requiring the surrender of firearms from a named individual.
(B) E XCLUSION.'--The term ''extreme risk protection order'' does not include a domestic violence protection order, as defined in section 2266 of title 18, United States Code.
(3) F IREARM.'--The term ''firearm'' has the meaning given the term in section 921 of title 18, United States Code.
(4) I NDIAN TRIBE.'--The term ''Indian Tribe'' has the meaning given the term ''Indian tribe'' in section 1709 of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10389).
(5) L AW ENFORCEMENT OFFICER.'--The term ''law enforcement officer'' means a public servant authorized by State, local, or tribal law or by a State, local, or tribal government agency to'--
(A) engage in or supervise the prevention, detection, investigation, or prosecution of an offense; or
(B) supervise sentenced criminal offenders.
(6) P ETITIONER.'--The term ''petitioner'' means an individual authorized under State or tribal law to petition for an extreme risk protection order.
(7) S TATE.'--The term ''State'' means'--
(A) any State;
(B) the District of Columbia;
(C) the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico; and
(D) any other territory or possession of the United States.
(8) U NIT OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT.'--The term ''unit of local government'' has the meaning given the term in section 901 of title I of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10251).
(b) Grant program established .'--
(1) I N GENERAL.'--The Director of the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services of the Department of Justice shall establish a program under which, from amounts made available to carry out this section, the Director may make grants to eligible entities to assist in carrying out the provisions of the legislation described in this section.
(2) U SE OF FUNDS.'--Funds awarded under this section may be used by an applicant to'--
(A) enhance the capacity of law enforcement agencies and the courts of a State, unit of local government, or Indian Tribe by providing personnel, training, technical assistance, data collection, and other resources to carry out legislation described in this section;
(B) train judges, court personnel, and law enforcement officers to more accurately identify individuals whose access to firearms poses a danger of causing harm to themselves or others by increasing the risk of firearms suicide or interpersonal violence;
(C) develop and implement law enforcement and court protocols, forms, and orders so that law enforcement agencies and the courts may carry out the provisions of the legislation described in this section in a safe and effective manner, including through the removal and storage of firearms pursuant to extreme risk protection orders under the legislation; and
(D) raise public awareness and understanding of the legislation described in this section so that extreme risk protection orders may be issued in appropriate situations to reduce the risk of firearms-related death and injury.
(3) A PPLICATION.'--An eligible entity desiring a grant under this section shall submit to the Attorney General an application at such time, in such manner, and containing or accompanied by such information as the Attorney General may reasonably require.
(4) I NCENTIVES.'--For each of fiscal years 2020 through 2024, the Attorney General shall give affirmative preference in awarding any discretionary grant awarded by the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services to a State or Indian Tribe that has enacted legislation described in this section.
(5) A UTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.'--There are authorized to be appropriated such sums as are necessary to carry out this section.
(c) Eligibility for extreme risk protection order grant program .'--
(1) R EQUIREMENTS.'--Legislation described in this section is legislation that establishes requirements that are substantially similar to the following:
(A) A PPLICATION FOR EXTREME RISK PROTECTION ORDER.'--A petitioner, including a law enforcement officer, may submit an application to a State or tribal court, on a form designed by the court, State, or tribal agency, that'--
(i) describes the facts and circumstances justifying that an extreme risk protection order be issued against the named individual; and
(ii) is signed by the applicant, under oath.
(B) N OTICE AND DUE PROCESS.'--The individual named in an application for an extreme risk protection order described in subparagraph (A) shall be given written notice of the application and an opportunity to be heard on the matter in accordance with this section.
(C) I SSUANCE OF EXTREME RISK PROTECTION ORDERS.'--
(i) H EARING.'--
(I) I N GENERAL.'--Upon receipt of an application described in subparagraph (A) or request of an individual named in the application, the court shall order a hearing to be held within a reasonable time, no later than 30 days after the date on which the application or request is made.
(II) D ETERMINATION.'--If the court finds by a preponderance of the evidence or a higher evidentiary standard established by a State that the respondent poses a danger of causing harm to the respondent or others by having access to a firearm, the court may issue an extreme risk protection order.
(ii) D URATION OF EXTREME RISK PROTECTION ORDER.'--An extreme risk protection order shall be in effect'--
(I) until an order terminating or superseding the order is issued; or
(II) for a set period of time.
(D) E X PARTE EXTREME RISK PROTECTION ORDERS.'--
(i) I N GENERAL.'--Upon receipt of an application described in subparagraph (A), the court may issue an ex parte extreme risk protection order, if'--
(I) the application for an extreme risk protection order alleges that the respondent poses a danger of causing harm to the respondent or others by having access to a firearm; and
(II) the court finds there is reasonable cause to believe, or makes a finding under such other, higher evidentiary standard as a State may establish, that the respondent poses a danger of causing harm to the respondent or others by having access to a firearm.
(ii) D URATION OF EX PARTE EXTREME RISK PROTECTION ORDER.'--An ex parte extreme risk protection order shall remain in effect only until the hearing required under this section.
(E) S TORAGE OF REMOVED FIREARMS.'--
(i) I N GENERAL.'--All firearms removed or surrendered pursuant to an extreme risk protection order shall be retained by a law enforcement officer or a law enforcement agency until the named individual regains eligibility to possess firearms.
(ii) A UTHORITY OF LAW ENFORCEMENT.'--A law enforcement agency may'--
(I) contract with a manufacturer, dealer, or importer licensed under chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, for the secure storage of firearms retained as described in clause (i); and
(II) transfer a firearm described in clause (i) upon proof that the named individual will no longer have access to the firearm.
(F) N OTIFICATION.'--
(i) I N GENERAL.'--A State or tribal court that issues an extreme risk protection order shall notify the Attorney General or the comparable State or tribal agency, as applicable, of the order as soon as practicable or within a designated period of time.
(ii) E LECTRONIC FORMAT.'--A notice required under clause (i) shall be submitted in an electronic format, in a manner prescribed by the Attorney General or the comparable State or tribal agency.
(iii) U PDATE OF DATABASES.'--As soon as is practicable or within a designated period of time after receiving a notification under clause (i), the Attorney General or the comparable State or tribal agency shall ensure the extreme risk protection order is reflected in the National Instant Criminal Background Check System.
(G) C ONFIDENTIALITY PROTECTIONS.'--All personally identifiable information provided to the court, the Department of Justice, and comparable State or tribal agencies shall be kept confidential, as required by the laws of the relevant jurisdiction, except as necessary to carry out this Act.
(2) A DDITIONAL PROVISIONS.'--Legislation described in this subsection may'--
(A) provide procedures for the termination of an extreme risk protection order;
(B) provide procedures for the renewal of an extreme risk protection order;
(C) establish burdens and standards of proof for issuance of orders described in this subsection that are substantially similar or higher than the burdens and standards of proof set forth in this subsection;
(D) limit the individuals who may submit an application described in this subsection; and
(E) include other authorizations or requirements the State or tribal authorities deem appropriate.
SEC. 402. Federal extreme risk protection orders .
(a) In general .'--Chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 101 of this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:
'' § 933. Extreme risk protection orders
''(a) Definitions .'--In this section:
''(1) C OURT.'--The term 'court' means a district court of the United States.
''(2) D ESIGNATED LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICER.'--The term 'designated law enforcement officer' means a law enforcement officer, designated by a United States marshal, who agrees to receive firearms, ammunition, and permit, as applicable, surrendered under subsection (f).
''(3) D IRECTOR.'--The term 'Director' means the Director of the Administrative Office of the United States Courts.
''(4) E X PARTE EXTREME RISK PROTECTION ORDER; EX PARTE ORDER.'--The term 'ex parte extreme risk protection order' or 'ex parte order' means an extreme risk protection order issued under subsection (c).
''(5) E XTREME RISK PROTECTION ORDER.'--The term 'extreme risk protection order''--
''(A) means an order issued by a Federal court under this section, the primary purpose of which is to reduce the risk of firearm-related death or injury by enjoining an individual from purchasing, possessing, or receiving, in or affecting interstate and foreign commerce, a firearm or ammunition; and
''(B) does not include a domestic violence protection order, as defined in section 2266.
''(6) F AMILY OR HOUSEHOLD MEMBER.'--The term 'family or household member', with respect to a respondent, means any'--
''(A) parent, spouse, sibling, or child related by blood, marriage, or adoption to the respondent;
''(B) dating partner of the respondent;
''(C) individual who has a child in common with the respondent, regardless of whether the individual has'--
''(i) been married to the respondent; or
''(ii) lived together with the respondent at any time;
''(D) individual who resides or has resided with the respondent during the past year;
''(E) domestic partner of the respondent;
''(F) individual who has a legal parent-child relationship with the respondent, including a stepparent-stepchild and grandparent-grandchild relationship; or
''(G) individual who is acting or has acted as the legal guardian of the respondent.
''(7) L AW ENFORCEMENT OFFICER.'--The term 'law enforcement officer' means any officer, agent, or employee of the Federal Government or a State government, unit of local government, or Indian tribe (as defined in section 4 of the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act (25 U.S.C. 5304)) authorized'--
''(A) by law or by a government agency to engage in or supervise the prevention, detection, or investigation of any violation of criminal law; or
''(B) by law to supervise sentenced criminal offenders.
''(8) L ONG-TERM EXTREME RISK PROTECTION ORDER; LONG-TERM ORDER.'--The term 'long-term extreme risk protection order' or 'long-term order' means an extreme risk protection order issued under subsection (d).
''(9) M ENTAL HEALTH AGENCY.'--The term 'mental health agency' means an agency of a State, tribal, or local government or its contracted agency that is responsible for mental health services or co-occurring mental health and substance abuse services.
''(10) N ATIONAL INSTANT CRIMINAL BACKGROUND CHECK SYSTEM.'--The term 'national instant criminal background check system' means the national instant criminal background check system established under section 103 of the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act (34 U.S.C. 40901).
''(b) Petition .'--
''(1) I N GENERAL.'--A family or household member of the applicable individual, or a law enforcement officer, may submit to an appropriate district court of the United States a petition requesting that the court issue an ex parte extreme risk protection order or long-term extreme risk protection order with respect to an individual.
''(2) N O FEES.'--A court may not charge a petitioner any fee for filing a petition under paragraph (1).
''(3) C ONFIDENTIALITY.'--A petitioner who is a law enforcement officer may provide the identity of the sources of the petitioner, and any identifying information, to the court under seal.
''(c) Ex parte orders .'--
''(1) T IMING.'--
''(A) I N GENERAL.'--Except as provided in subparagraph (B), a court that receives a petition for an ex parte order under subsection (b) shall grant or deny the petition on the date on which the petition is submitted.
''(B) L ATE PETITIONS.'--If a court receives a petition for an ex parte order submitted under subsection (b) too late in the day to permit effective review, the court shall grant or deny the petition on the next day of judicial business at a time early enough to permit the court to file an order with the clerk of the court during that day.
''(2) E VIDENCE REQUIRED.'--Before issuing an ex parte order, a court shall require that the petitioner submit a signed affidavit, sworn to before the court, that'--
''(A) explains why the petitioner believes that the respondent poses a risk of imminent personal injury to the respondent or another individual, by purchasing, possessing, or receiving a firearm or ammunition; and
''(B) describes the interactions and conversations of the petitioner with'--
''(i) the respondent; or
''(ii) another individual, if the petitioner believes that information obtained from that individual is credible and reliable.
''(3) S TANDARD FOR ISSUANCE OF ORDER.'--A court may issue an ex parte order only upon a finding of probable cause to believe that'--
''(A) the respondent poses a risk of imminent personal injury to the respondent or another individual, by purchasing, possessing, or receiving a firearm or ammunition; and
''(B) the order is necessary to prevent the injury described in subparagraph (A).
''(4) D URATION.'--An ex parte order shall expire on the earlier of'--
''(A) the date that is 14 days after the date of issuance; or
''(B) the date on which the court determines whether to issue a long-term order with respect to the respondent.
''(d) Long-Term orders .'--
''(1) H EARING REQUIRED.'--If a court receives a petition for an extreme risk protection order for a respondent under subsection (b), the court shall hold a hearing to determine whether to issue a long-term order with respect to the respondent either'--
''(A) (i) except as provided in clause (ii), not later than 72 hours after the court issues an ex parte order with respect to the respondent; or
''(ii) if the court issues an ex parte order with respect to the respondent but the order is not served on the respondent within 72 hours of the issuance, not later than 72 hours after the order is served on the respondent; or
''(B) if the respondent waives the right to a hearing under subparagraph (A) or the court does not issue an ex parte order, not later than 14 days after the date on which the court receives the petition.
''(2) N OTICE AND OPPORTUNITY TO BE HEARD.'--
''(A) I N GENERAL.'--The court shall provide the respondent with notice and the opportunity to be heard at a hearing under this subsection, sufficient to protect the due process rights of the respondent.
''(B) R IGHT TO COUNSEL.'--
''(i) I N GENERAL.'--At a hearing under this subsection, the respondent may be represented by counsel who is'--
''(I) chosen by the respondent; and
''(II) authorized to practice at such a hearing.
''(ii) C OURT-PROVIDED COUNSEL.'--
''(I) I N GENERAL.'--If the respondent is financially unable to obtain representation by counsel, the court, at the request of the respondent, may appoint counsel to represent the respondent in proceedings under this subsection.
''(II) R EASONABLE COMPENSATION.'--An attorney appointed pursuant to this subparagraph shall be provided reasonable attorney's fees and expenses.
''(3) B URDEN OF PROOF; STANDARD.'--At a hearing under this subsection, the petitioner'--
''(A) shall have the burden of proving all material facts; and
''(B) shall be required to demonstrate, by a preponderance of the evidence, that'--
''(i) the respondent poses a risk of personal injury to the respondent or another individual, during the period to be covered by the proposed extreme risk protection order, by purchasing, possessing, or receiving a firearm or ammunition; and
''(ii) the order is necessary to prevent the injury described in clause (i).
''(4) I SSUANCE.'--Upon a showing of clear and convincing evidence under paragraph (3), the court shall issue a long-term order with respect to the respondent that shall be in effect for a period of not more than 180 days.
''(5) D ENIAL.'--If the court finds that there is not clear and convincing evidence to support the issuance of a long-term order, the court shall dissolve any ex parte order then in effect with respect to the respondent.
''(6) R ENEWAL.'--
''(A) N OTICE OF SCHEDULED EXPIRATION.'--Thirty days before the date on which a long-term order is scheduled to expire, the court that issued the order shall'--
''(i) notify the petitioner and the respondent that the order is scheduled to expire; and
''(ii) advise the petitioner and the respondent of the procedures for seeking a renewal of the order under this paragraph.
''(B) P ETITION.'--If a family or household member of the respondent, or a law enforcement officer, believes that the conditions under paragraph (3)(B) continue to apply with respect to a respondent who is subject to a long-term order, the family or household member or law enforcement officer may submit to the court that issued the order a petition for a renewal of the order.
''(C) H EARING.'--A court that receives a petition submitted under subparagraph (B) shall hold a hearing to determine whether to issue a renewed long-term order with respect to the respondent.
''(D) A PPLICABLE PROCEDURES.'--The requirements under paragraphs (2) through (5) shall apply to the consideration of a petition for a renewed long-term order submitted under subparagraph (B) of this paragraph.
''(E) I SSUANCE.'--Upon a showing by clear and convincing evidence that the conditions under paragraph (3)(B) continue to apply with respect to the respondent, the court shall issue a renewed long-term order with respect to the respondent.
''(e) Factors To consider .'--In determining whether to issue an extreme risk protection order, a court'--
''(1) shall consider factors including'--
''(A) recent threats, by any medium, or acts of violence by the respondent directed toward other individuals;
''(B) recent threats, by any medium, or acts of violence by the respondent directed toward the respondent;
''(C) recent acts of cruelty to animals by the respondent;
''(D) evidence of ongoing abuse of controlled substances or alcohol by the respondent that has led to threats or acts of violence directed toward the respondent or other individuals; and
''(E) evidence of danger to self or others transmitted by electronic communications or publications through social media or networking; and
''(2) may consider other factors, including'--
''(A) the reckless use, display, or brandishing of a firearm by the respondent;
''(B) a history of violence or attempted violence by the respondent against other individuals; and
''(C) evidence of explicit or implicit threats made by the person through any medium that demonstrate that the person poses a risk of personal injury to the person or others.
''(f) Relinquishment of firearms and ammunition .'--
''(1) O RDER OF SURRENDER.'--Upon issuance of an ex parte order or long-term order, the court shall order the respondent to surrender all firearms and ammunition that the respondent possesses or owns, in or affecting interstate commerce, as well as any permit authorizing the respondent to purchase or possess firearms (including a concealed carry permit), to'--
''(A) the United States Marshals Service; or
''(B) a designated law enforcement officer.
''(2) S URRENDER AND REMOVAL.'--
''(A) M ANNER OF SERVICE.'--
''(i) P ERSONAL SERVICE.'--Except as provided in clause (ii), a United States marshal or designated law enforcement officer shall serve an extreme risk protection order on a respondent by handing the order to the respondent.
''(ii) A LTERNATIVE SERVICE.'--If the respondent cannot reasonably be located for service as described in clause (i), an extreme risk protection order may be served on the respondent in any manner authorized under the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure.
''(B) R EMOVAL.'--Except as provided in subparagraph (C), a United States marshal or designated law enforcement officer serving an extreme risk protection order personally on the respondent shall'--
''(i) request that all firearms and ammunition, in or affecting interstate commerce, as well as any permit authorizing the respondent to purchase or possess firearms (including a concealed carry permit), that the respondent possesses or owns'--
''(I) be immediately surrendered to the United States marshal or designated law enforcement officer; or
''(II) at the option of the respondent, be immediately surrendered and sold to a federally licensed firearms dealer; and
''(ii) take possession of all firearms and ammunition described in clause (i) that are not sold under subclause (II) of that clause, as well as any permit described in that clause, that are'--
''(I) surrendered;
''(II) in plain sight; or
''(III) discovered pursuant to a lawful search.
''(C) A LTERNATIVE SURRENDER.'--If a United States marshal or designated law enforcement officer is not able to personally serve an extreme risk protection order under subparagraph (A)(i), or is not reasonably able to take custody of the firearms, ammunition, and permits under subparagraph (B), the respondent shall surrender the firearms, ammunition, and permits in a safe manner to the control of a United States marshal or designated law enforcement officer not later than 48 hours after being served with the order.
''(3) R ECEIPT.'--
''(A) I SSUANCE.'--At the time of surrender or removal under paragraph (2), a United States marshal or designated law enforcement officer taking possession of a firearm, ammunition, or a permit pursuant to an extreme risk protection order shall'--
''(i) issue a receipt identifying all firearms, ammunition, and permits that have been surrendered or removed; and
''(ii) provide a copy of the receipt issued under clause (i) to the respondent.
''(B) F ILING.'--Not later than 72 hours after service of an order under paragraph (2)(A), the United States marshal who served the order or designated another law enforcement officer to do so shall'--
''(i) file the original receipt issued under subparagraph (A) of this paragraph with the court that issued the extreme risk protection order; and
''(ii) ensure that the United States Marshals Service retains a copy of the receipt.
''(C) D ESIGNATED LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICER.'--If a designated law enforcement officer issues a receipt under subparagraph (A), the officer shall submit the original receipt and a copy of the receipt to the appropriate United States marshal to enable the United States marshal to comply with subparagraph (B).
''(4) F ORFEITURE.'--If a respondent knowingly attempts, in violation of an extreme risk protection order, to access a firearm, ammunition, or a permit that was surrendered or removed under this subsection, the firearm, ammunition, or permit shall be subject to seizure and forfeiture under section 924(d).
''(g) Return of firearms and ammunition .'--
''(1) N OTICE.'--If an extreme risk protection order is dissolved, or expires and is not renewed, the court that issued the order shall order the United States Marshals Service to'--
''(A) confirm, through the national instant criminal background check system and any other relevant law enforcement databases, that the respondent may lawfully own and possess firearms and ammunition; and
''(B) (i) if the respondent may lawfully own and possess firearms and ammunition, notify the respondent that the respondent may retrieve each firearm, ammunition, or permit surrendered by or removed from the respondent under subsection (f); or
''(ii) if the respondent may not lawfully own or possess firearms and ammunition, notify the respondent that each firearm, ammunition, or permit surrendered by or removed from the respondent under subsection (f) will be returned only when the respondent demonstrates to the United States Marshals Service that the respondent may lawfully own and possess firearms and ammunition.
''(2) R ETURN.'--If an extreme risk protection order is dissolved, or expires and is not renewed, and the United States Marshals Service confirms under paragraph (1)(A) that the respondent may lawfully own and possess firearms and ammunition, the court that issued the order shall order the entity that possesses each firearm, ammunition, or permit surrendered by or removed from the respondent under subsection (f) to return those items to the respondent.
''(h) Return of firearms and ammunition improperly received .'--If a court, in a hearing under subsection (d), determines that a firearm or ammunition surrendered by or removed from a respondent under subsection (f) is owned by an individual other than the respondent, the court may order the United States marshal or designated law enforcement officer in possession of the firearm or ammunition to transfer the firearm or ammunition to that individual if'--
''(1) the individual may lawfully own and possess firearms and ammunition; and
''(2) the individual will not provide the respondent with access to the firearm or ammunition.
''(i) Penalty for false reporting or frivolous petitions .'--An individual who knowingly submits materially false information to the court in a petition for an extreme risk protection order under this section, or who knowingly files such a petition that is frivolous, unreasonable, or without foundation, shall be fined not less than $1,000, in addition to any other penalty authorized by law, as the court deems necessary to deter such abuse of process.
''(j) Model policy .'--
''(1) I N GENERAL.'--The Director shall draft a model policy to maximize the accessibility of extreme risk protection orders.
''(2) C ONTENTS.'--In drafting the model policy under paragraph (1), the Director shall'--
''(A) ensure that State and local law enforcement officers and members of the public without legal training are able to easily file petitions for extreme risk protection orders;
''(B) prescribe outreach efforts by employees of the district courts of the United States to familiarize relevant law enforcement officers and the public with the procedures for filing petitions, either'--
''(i) through direct outreach; or
''(ii) in coordination with'--
''(I) relevant officials in the executive or legislative branch of the Federal Government; or
''(II) with State and local officials;
''(C) prescribe policies for allowing the filing of petitions and prompt adjudication of petitions on weekends and outside of normal court hours;
''(D) prescribe policies for coordinating with law enforcement agencies to ensure the safe, timely, and effective service of extreme risk protection orders and relinquishment of firearms, ammunition, and permits, as applicable; and
''(E) identify governmental and non-governmental resources and partners to help officials of the district courts of the United States coordinate with civil society organizations to ensure the safe and effective implementation of this section.
''(k) Reporting .'--
''(1) I NDIVIDUAL REPORTS.'--
''(A) I N GENERAL.'--Not later than 2 court days after the date on which a court issues or dissolves an extreme risk protection order under this section or an extreme risk protection order expires without being renewed, the court shall notify'--
''(i) the Attorney General;
''(ii) each relevant mental health agency in the State in which the order is issued; and
''(iii) State and local law enforcement officials in the jurisdiction in which the order is issued, including the national instant criminal background check system single point of contact for the State of residence of the respondent, where applicable.
''(B) F ORMAT.'--A court shall submit a notice under subparagraph (A) in an electronic format, in a manner prescribed by the Attorney General.
''(C) U PDATE OF DATABASES.'--As soon as practicable and not later than 5 days after receiving a notice under subparagraph (A), the Attorney General shall update the background check databases of the Attorney General to reflect the prohibitions articulated in the applicable extreme risk protection order.
''(2) A NNUAL REPORTS.'--Not later than 1 year after the date of enactment of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020, and annually thereafter, the Director shall submit to the Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate and the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives a report that includes, with respect to the preceding year'--
''(A) the number of petitions for ex parte orders filed, as well as the number of such orders issued and the number denied;
''(B) the number of petitions for long-term orders filed, as well as the number of such orders issued and the number denied;
''(C) the number of petitions for renewals of long-term orders filed, as well as the number of such orders issued and the number denied; and
''(D) the number of cases in which a court has issued a penalty for false reporting or frivolous petitions.
''(l) Authorization of appropriations .'--There are authorized to be appropriated such sums as are necessary to carry out this section.
''(m) Rule of construction .'--Nothing in this section may be construed to alter the requirements of subsections (d)(8) or (g)(8) of section 922, relating to domestic violence protective orders.''.
(b) Technical and conforming amendments .'--
(1) T ABLE OF SECTIONS.'--The table of sections for chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 101 of this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following: ''933. Extreme risk protection orders.''.
(2) F ORFEITURE.'--Section 924(d)(3) of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(A) in subparagraph (E), by striking ''and'' at the end;
(B) in subparagraph (F), by striking the period and inserting ''; and''; and
(C) by adding at the end the following:
''(G) any attempt to violate an extreme risk protection order issued under section 933.''.
SEC. 403. Federal firearms prohibition .
(a) Definition .'--Section 921(a) of title 18, United States Code, as amended by this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(53) The term 'extreme risk protection order' has the meaning given the term in section 401 of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020.''.
(b) Prohibitions .'--Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) in subsection (d), as amended by section 301 of this Act, by adding at the end the following:
''(11) is subject to an extreme risk protection order.''; and
(2) in subsection (g), as amended by section 301 of this Act, by adding at the end the following:
''(11) is subject to an extreme risk protection order,''.
SEC. 404. Identification records .
Section 534 of title 28, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) in subsection (a)'--
(A) in paragraph (3), by striking ''and'' at the end; and
(B) by redesignating paragraph (4) as paragraph (5); and
(C) by inserting after paragraph (3) the following:
''(4) acquire, collect, classify, and preserve records from Federal, tribal, and State courts and other agencies identifying individuals subject to extreme risk protection orders, as defined in section 401 of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020, provided that such records shall be destroyed if the orders expire or are terminated or dissolved; and'';
(2) in subsection (b), by striking ''(a)(4)'' and inserting ''(a)(5)''; and
(3) by adding at the end the following: ''(g) Federal, tribal, and State criminal justice agencies and criminal and civil courts may'--
''(1) include extreme risk protection orders, as defined in section 401 of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020, in national crime information databases, as defined in subsection (f)(3) of this section; and
''(2) have access to information regarding extreme risk protection orders through the national crime information databases, as defined in subsection (f)(3) of this section.''.
SEC. 405. Conforming amendment .
Section 3(1) of the NICS Improvement Amendments Act of 2007 (34 U.S.C. 40903(1)) is amended by striking ''section 922(g)(8)'' and inserting ''paragraph (8) or (11) of section 922(g)''.
SEC. 406. Full faith and credit .
Any extreme risk protection order issued under a State or Tribal law enacted in accordance with this title shall be accorded the same full faith and credit by the court of another State, Indian Tribe, or unit of local government (the enforcing State, Indian Tribe, or unit of local government) and enforced by the court and law enforcement personnel of the other State, Tribal, or local government as if it were the order of the enforcing State, Indian Tribe, or unit of local government.
(a) In general .'--Section 921(a) of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) by inserting after paragraph (29) the following:
''(30) The term 'semiautomatic pistol' means any repeating pistol that'--
''(A) utilizes a portion of the energy of a firing cartridge to extract the fired cartridge case and chamber the next round; and
''(B) requires a separate pull of the trigger to fire each cartridge.
''(31) The term 'semiautomatic shotgun' means any repeating shotgun that'--
''(A) utilizes a portion of the energy of a firing cartridge to extract the fired cartridge case and chamber the next round; and
''(B) requires a separate pull of the trigger to fire each cartridge.''; and
(2) by adding at the end the following:
''(37) The term 'semiautomatic assault weapon' means any of the following, regardless of country of manufacture or caliber of ammunition accepted:
''(A) A semiautomatic rifle that has the capacity to accept a detachable magazine and any 1 of the following:
''(i) A pistol grip.
''(ii) A forward grip.
''(iii) A folding, telescoping, or detachable stock, or is otherwise foldable or adjustable in a manner that operates to reduce the length, size, or any other dimension, or otherwise enhances the concealability, of the weapon.
''(iv) A grenade launcher.
''(v) A barrel shroud.
''(vi) A threaded barrel.
''(B) A semiautomatic rifle that has a fixed magazine with the capacity to accept more than 10 rounds, except for an attached tubular device designed to accept, and capable of operating only with, .22 caliber rimfire ammunition.
''(C) Any part, combination of parts, component, device, attachment, or accessory that is designed or functions to accelerate the rate of fire of a semiautomatic rifle but not convert the semiautomatic rifle into a machinegun.
''(D) A semiautomatic pistol that has the capacity to accept a detachable magazine and any 1 of the following:
''(i) A threaded barrel.
''(ii) A second pistol grip.
''(iii) A barrel shroud.
''(iv) The capacity to accept a detachable magazine at some location outside of the pistol grip.
''(v) A semiautomatic version of an automatic firearm.
''(vi) A manufactured weight of 50 ounces or more when unloaded.
''(vii) A stabilizing brace or similar component.
''(E) A semiautomatic pistol with a fixed magazine that has the capacity to accept more than 10 rounds.
''(F) A semiautomatic shotgun that has any 1 of the following:
''(i) A folding, telescoping, or detachable stock.
''(ii) A pistol grip.
''(iii) A fixed magazine with the capacity to accept more than 5 rounds.
''(iv) The ability to accept a detachable magazine.
''(v) A forward grip.
''(vi) A grenade launcher.
''(G) Any shotgun with a revolving cylinder.
''(H) All of the following rifles, copies, duplicates, variants, or altered facsimiles with the capability of any such weapon thereof:
''(i) All AK types, including the following:
''(I) AK, AK47, AK47S, AK''74, AKM, AKS, ARM, MAK90, MISR, NHM90, NHM91, Rock River Arms LAR''47, SA85, SA93, Vector Arms AK''47, VEPR, WASR''10, and WUM.
''(II) IZHMASH Saiga AK.
''(III) MAADI AK47 and ARM.
''(IV) Norinco 56S, 56S2, 84S, and 86S.
''(V) Poly Technologies AK47 and AKS.
''(ii) All AR types, including the following:
''(I) AR''10.
''(II) AR''15.
''(III) Alexander Arms Overmatch Plus 16.
''(IV) Armalite M15 22LR Carbine.
''(V) Armalite M15''T.
''(VI) Barrett REC7.
''(VII) Beretta AR''70.
''(VIII) Black Rain Ordnance Recon Scout.
''(IX) Bushmaster ACR.
''(X) Bushmaster Carbon 15.
''(XI) Bushmaster MOE series.
''(XII) Bushmaster XM15.
''(XIII) Chiappa Firearms MFour rifles.
''(XIV) Colt Match Target rifles.
''(XV) CORE Rifle Systems CORE15 rifles.
''(XVI) Daniel Defense M4A1 rifles.
''(XVII) Devil Dog Arms 15 Series rifles.
''(XVIII) Diamondback DB15 rifles.
''(XIX) DoubleStar AR rifles.
''(XX) DPMS Tactical rifles.
''(XXI) DSA Inc. ZM''4 Carbine.
''(XXII) Heckler & Koch MR556.
''(XXIII) High Standard HSA''15 rifles.
''(XXIV) Jesse James Nomad AR''15 rifle.
''(XXV) Knight's Armament SR''15.
''(XXVI) Lancer L15 rifles.
''(XXVII) MGI Hydra Series rifles.
''(XXVIII) Mossberg MMR Tactical rifles.
''(XXIX) Noreen Firearms BN 36 rifle.
''(XXX) Olympic Arms.
''(XXXI) POF USA P415.
''(XXXII) Precision Firearms AR rifles.
''(XXXIII) Remington R''15 rifles.
''(XXXIV) Rhino Arms AR rifles.
''(XXXV) Rock River Arms LAR''15.
''(XXXVI) Sig Sauer SIG516 rifles and MCX rifles.
''(XXXVII) SKS with a detachable magazine.
''(XXXVIII) Smith & Wesson M&P15 rifles.
''(XXXIX) Stag Arms AR rifles.
''(XL) Sturm, Ruger & Co. SR556 and AR''556 rifles.
''(XLI) Uselton Arms Air-Lite M''4 rifles.
''(XLII) Windham Weaponry AR rifles.
''(XLIII) WMD Guns Big Beast.
''(XLIV) Yankee Hill Machine Company, Inc. YHM''15 rifles.
''(iii) Barrett M107A1.
''(iv) Barrett M82A1.
''(v) Beretta CX4 Storm.
''(vi) Calico Liberty Series.
''(vii) CETME Sporter.
''(viii) Daewoo K''1, K''2, Max 1, Max 2, AR 100, and AR 110C.
''(ix) Fabrique Nationale/FN Herstal FAL, LAR, 22 FNC, 308 Match, L1A1 Sporter, PS90, SCAR, and FS2000.
''(x) Feather Industries AT''9.
''(xi) Galil Model AR and Model ARM.
''(xii) Hi-Point Carbine.
''(xiii) HK''91, HK''93, HK''94, HK''PSG''1, and HK USC.
''(xiv) IWI TAVOR, Galil ACE rifle.
''(xv) Kel-Tec Sub-2000, SU''16, and RFB.
''(xvi) SIG AMT, SIG PE''57, Sig Sauer SG 550, Sig Sauer SG 551, and SIG MCX.
''(xvii) Springfield Armory SAR''48.
''(xviii) Steyr AUG.
''(xix) Sturm, Ruger & Co. Mini-14 Tactical Rifle M''14/20CF.
''(xx) All Thompson rifles, including the following:
''(I) Thompson M1SB.
''(II) Thompson T1100D.
''(III) Thompson T150D.
''(IV) Thompson T1B.
''(V) Thompson T1B100D.
''(VI) Thompson T1B50D.
''(VII) Thompson T1BSB.
''(VIII) Thompson T1''C.
''(IX) Thompson T1D.
''(X) Thompson T1SB.
''(XI) Thompson T5.
''(XII) Thompson T5100D.
''(XIII) Thompson TM1.
''(XIV) Thompson TM1C.
''(xxi) UMAREX UZI rifle.
''(xxii) UZI Mini Carbine, UZI Model A Carbine, and UZI Model B Carbine.
''(xxiii) Valmet M62S, M71S, and M78.
''(xxiv) Vector Arms UZI Type.
''(xxv) Weaver Arms Nighthawk.
''(xxvi) Wilkinson Arms Linda Carbine.
''(I) All of the following pistols, copies, duplicates, variants, or altered facsimiles with the capability of any such weapon thereof:
''(i) All AK''47 types, including the following:
''(I) Centurion 39 AK pistol.
''(II) CZ Scorpion pistol.
''(III) Draco AK''47 pistol.
''(IV) HCR AK''47 pistol.
''(V) IO Inc. Hellpup AK''47 pistol.
''(VI) Krinkov pistol.
''(VII) Mini Draco AK''47 pistol.
''(VIII) PAP M92 pistol.
''(IX) Yugo Krebs Krink pistol.
''(ii) All AR''15 types, including the following:
''(I) American Spirit AR''15 pistol.
''(II) Bushmaster Carbon 15 pistol.
''(III) Chiappa Firearms M4 Pistol GEN II.
''(IV) CORE Rifle Systems CORE15 Roscoe pistol.
''(V) Daniel Defense MK18 pistol.
''(VI) DoubleStar Corporation AR pistol.
''(VII) DPMS AR''15 pistol.
''(VIII) Jesse James Nomad AR''15 pistol.
''(IX) Olympic Arms AR''15 pistol.
''(X) Osprey Armament MK''18 pistol.
''(XI) POF USA AR pistols.
''(XII) Rock River Arms LAR 15 pistol.
''(XIII) Uselton Arms Air-Lite M''4 pistol.
''(iii) Calico Liberty pistols.
''(iv) DSA SA58 PKP FAL pistol.
''(v) Encom MP''9 and MP''45.
''(vi) Heckler & Koch model SP''89 pistol.
''(vii) Intratec AB''10, TEC''22 Scorpion, TEC''9, and TEC''DC9.
''(viii) IWI Galil Ace pistol, UZI PRO pistol.
''(ix) Kel-Tec PLR 16 pistol.
''(x) The following MAC types:
''(I) MAC''10.
''(II) MAC''11.
''(III) Masterpiece Arms MPA A930 Mini Pistol, MPA460 Pistol, MPA Tactical Pistol, and MPA Mini Tactical Pistol.
''(IV) Military Armament Corp. Ingram M''11.
''(V) Velocity Arms VMAC.
''(xi) Sig Sauer P556 pistol.
''(xii) Sites Spectre.
''(xiii) All Thompson types, including the following:
''(I) Thompson TA510D.
''(II) Thompson TA5.
''(xiv) All UZI types, including Micro-UZI.
''(J) All of the following shotguns, copies, duplicates, variants, or altered facsimiles with the capability of any such weapon thereof:
''(i) DERYA Anakon MC''1980, Anakon SD12.
''(ii) Doruk Lethal shotguns.
''(iii) Franchi LAW''12 and SPAS 12.
''(iv) All IZHMASH Saiga 12 types, including the following:
''(I) IZHMASH Saiga 12.
''(II) IZHMASH Saiga 12S.
''(III) IZHMASH Saiga 12S EXP''01.
''(IV) IZHMASH Saiga 12K.
''(V) IZHMASH Saiga 12K''030.
''(VI) IZHMASH Saiga 12K''040 Taktika.
''(v) Streetsweeper.
''(vi) Striker 12.
''(K) All belt-fed semiautomatic firearms, including TNW M2HB and FN M2495.
''(L) Any combination of parts from which a firearm described in subparagraphs (A) through (K) can be assembled.
''(M) The frame or receiver of a rifle or shotgun described in subparagraph (A), (B), (C), (F), (G), (H), (J), or (K).
''(38) The term 'large capacity ammunition feeding device''--
''(A) means a magazine, belt, drum, feed strip, or similar device, including any such device joined or coupled with another in any manner, that has an overall capacity of, or that can be readily restored, changed, or converted to accept, more than 10 rounds of ammunition; and
''(B) does not include an attached tubular device designed to accept, and capable of operating only with, .22 caliber rimfire ammunition.''.
(b) Related definitions .'--Section 921(a) of title 18, United States Code, as amended by this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(39) The term 'barrel shroud''--
''(A) means a shroud that is attached to, or partially or completely encircles, the barrel of a firearm so that the shroud protects the user of the firearm from heat generated by the barrel; and
''(B) does not include'--
''(i) a slide that partially or completely encloses the barrel; or
''(ii) an extension of the stock along the bottom of the barrel which does not encircle or substantially encircle the barrel.
''(40) The term 'detachable magazine' means an ammunition feeding device that can be removed from a firearm without disassembly of the firearm action.
''(41) The term 'fixed magazine' means an ammunition feeding device that is permanently fixed to the firearm in such a manner that it cannot be removed without disassembly of the firearm.
''(42) The term 'folding, telescoping, or detachable stock' means a stock that folds, telescopes, detaches or otherwise operates to reduce the length, size, or any other dimension, or otherwise enhances the concealability, of a firearm.
''(43) The term 'forward grip' means a grip located forward of the trigger that functions as a pistol grip.
''(44) The term 'grenade launcher' means an attachment for use on a firearm that is designed to propel a grenade or other similar destructive device.
''(45) The term 'permanently inoperable' means a firearm which is incapable of discharging a shot by means of an explosive and incapable of being readily restored to a firing condition.
''(46) The term 'pistol grip' means a grip, a thumbhole stock or Thordsen-type grip or stock, or any other characteristic that can function as a grip.
''(47) The term 'threaded barrel' means a feature or characteristic that is designed in such a manner to allow for the attachment of a device such as a firearm silencer or a flash suppressor.
''(48) The term 'qualified law enforcement officer' has the meaning given the term in section 926B.
''(49) The term 'grandfathered semiautomatic assault weapon' means any semiautomatic assault weapon the importation, possession, sale, or transfer of which would be unlawful under section 922(v) but for the exception under paragraph (2) of such section.
''(50) The term 'belt-fed semiautomatic firearm' means any repeating firearm that'--
''(A) utilizes a portion of the energy of a firing cartridge to extract the fired cartridge case and chamber the next round;
''(B) requires a separate pull of the trigger to fire each cartridge; and
''(C) has the capacity to accept a belt ammunition feeding device.''.
SEC. 512. Restrictions on assault weapons and large capacity ammunition feeding devices .
(a) In general .'--Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) by inserting after subsection (u) the following:''(v) (1) It shall be unlawful for a person to import, sell, manufacture, transfer, or possess, in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce, a semiautomatic assault weapon.
''(2) Paragraph (1) shall not apply to the possession, sale, or transfer of any semiautomatic assault weapon otherwise lawfully possessed under Federal law on the date of enactment of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020.
''(3) Paragraph (1) shall not apply to any firearm that'--
''(A) is manually operated by bolt, pump, lever, or slide action;
''(B) has been rendered permanently inoperable; or
''(C) is an antique firearm, as defined in section 921 of this title.
''(4) Paragraph (1) shall not apply to'--
''(A) the importation for, manufacture for, sale to, transfer to, or possession by the United States or a department or agency of the United States or a State or a department, agency, or political subdivision of a State, or a sale or transfer to or possession by a qualified law enforcement officer employed by the United States or a department or agency of the United States or a State or a department, agency, or political subdivision of a State, for purposes of law enforcement (whether on or off duty), or a sale or transfer to or possession by a campus law enforcement officer for purposes of law enforcement (whether on or off duty);
''(B) the importation for, or sale or transfer to a licensee under title I of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 for purposes of establishing and maintaining an on-site physical protection system and security organization required by Federal law, or possession by an employee or contractor of such licensee on-site for such purposes or off-site for purposes of licensee-authorized training or transportation of nuclear materials;
''(C) the possession, by an individual who is retired in good standing from service with a law enforcement agency and is not otherwise prohibited from receiving a firearm, of a semiautomatic assault weapon'--
''(i) sold or transferred to the individual by the agency upon such retirement; or
''(ii) that the individual purchased, or otherwise obtained, for official use before such retirement;
''(D) the importation, sale, manufacture, transfer, or possession of a semiautomatic assault weapon by a licensed manufacturer or licensed importer for the purposes of testing or experimentation authorized by the Attorney General; or
''(E) the importation, sale, manufacture, transfer, or possession of a firearm specified in Appendix A to this section, as such firearm was manufactured on the date of introduction of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020.
''(5) For purposes of paragraph (4)(A), the term 'campus law enforcement officer' means an individual who is'--
''(A) employed by a private institution of higher education that is eligible for funding under title IV of the Higher Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 1070 et seq.);
''(B) responsible for the prevention or investigation of crime involving injury to persons or property, including apprehension or detention of persons for such crimes;
''(C) authorized by Federal, State, or local law to carry a firearm, execute search warrants, and make arrests; and
''(D) recognized, commissioned, or certified by a government entity as a law enforcement officer.
''(6) The Attorney General shall establish and maintain, in a timely manner, a record of the make, model, and, if available, date of manufacture of any semiautomatic assault weapon which the Attorney General is made aware has been used in relation to a crime under Federal or State law, and the nature and circumstances of the crime involved, including the outcome of relevant criminal investigations and proceedings. The Attorney General shall annually submit a copy of the record established under this paragraph to the Congress and make the record available to the general public.
''(w) (1) It shall be unlawful for a person to import, sell, manufacture, transfer, or possess, in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce, a large capacity ammunition feeding device.
''(2) Paragraph (1) shall not apply to the possession of any large capacity ammunition feeding device otherwise lawfully possessed on or before the date of enactment of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020.
''(3) Paragraph (1) shall not apply to'--
''(A) the importation for, manufacture for, sale to, transfer to, or possession by the United States or a department or agency of the United States or a State or a department, agency, or political subdivision of a State, or a sale or transfer to or possession by a qualified law enforcement officer employed by the United States or a department or agency of the United States or a State or a department, agency, or political subdivision of a State for purposes of law enforcement (whether on or off duty), or a sale or transfer to or possession by a campus law enforcement officer for purposes of law enforcement (whether on or off duty);
''(B) the importation for, or sale or transfer to a licensee under title I of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 for purposes of establishing and maintaining an on-site physical protection system and security organization required by Federal law, or possession by an employee or contractor of such licensee on-site for such purposes or off-site for purposes of licensee-authorized training or transportation of nuclear materials;
''(C) the possession, by an individual who is retired in good standing from service with a law enforcement agency and is not otherwise prohibited from receiving ammunition, of a large capacity ammunition feeding device'--
''(i) sold or transferred to the individual by the agency upon such retirement; or
''(ii) that the individual purchased, or otherwise obtained, for official use before such retirement; or
''(D) the importation, sale, manufacture, transfer, or possession of any large capacity ammunition feeding device by a licensed manufacturer or licensed importer for the purposes of testing or experimentation authorized by the Attorney General.
''(4) For purposes of paragraph (3)(A), the term 'campus law enforcement officer' means an individual who is'--
''(A) employed by a private institution of higher education that is eligible for funding under title IV of the Higher Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 1070 et seq.);
''(B) responsible for the prevention or investigation of crime involving injury to persons or property, including apprehension or detention of persons for such crimes;
''(C) authorized by Federal, State, or local law to carry a firearm, execute search warrants, and make arrests; and
''(D) recognized, commissioned, or certified by a government entity as a law enforcement officer.''; and
(2) by adding at the end the following:''(aa) Secure storage or safety device requirement for grandfathered semiautomatic assault weapons .'--It shall be unlawful for any person, other than a licensed importer, licensed manufacturer, or licensed dealer, to store or keep under the dominion or control of that person any grandfathered semiautomatic assault weapon that the person knows, or has reasonable cause to believe, will be accessible to an individual prohibited from receiving or possessing a firearm under subsection (g), (n), or (x), or any provision of State law, unless the grandfathered semiautomatic assault weapon is'--
''(1) carried on the person, or within such close proximity that the person can readily retrieve and use the grandfathered semiautomatic assault weapon as if the grandfathered semiautomatic assault weapon were carried on the person; or
''(2) locked by a secure gun storage or safety device that the prohibited individual has no ability to access.''.
(b) Identification markings for semiautomatic assault weapons .'--Section 923(i) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following: ''The serial number of any semiautomatic assault weapon manufactured after the date of enactment of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020 shall clearly show the date on which the weapon was manufactured or made, legibly and conspicuously engraved or cast on the weapon, and such other identification as the Attorney General shall by regulations prescribe.''.
(c) Identification markings for large capacity ammunition feeding devices .'--Section 923(i) of title 18, United States Code, as amended by this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following: ''A large capacity ammunition feeding device manufactured after the date of enactment of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020 shall be identified by a serial number and the date on which the device was manufactured or made, legibly and conspicuously engraved or cast on the device, and such other identification as the Attorney General shall by regulations prescribe.''.
(d) Seizure and forfeiture of large capacity ammunition feeding devices .'--Subsection (d) of section 924 of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) in paragraph (1)'--
(A) by inserting ''or large capacity ammunition feeding device'' after ''firearm or ammunition'' each time it appears;
(B) by inserting ''or large capacity ammunition feeding device'' after ''firearms or ammunition'' each time it appears; and
(C) by striking ''or (k)'' and inserting ''(k), (r), (v), or (w)'';
(2) in paragraph (2)'--
(A) in subparagraph (C), by inserting ''or large capacity ammunition feeding devices'' after ''firearms or quantities of ammunition''; and
(3) in paragraph (3)'--
(A) in subparagraph (E), by inserting ''922(r), 922(v), 922(w),'' after ''922(n),''.
(e) Appendix A .'--Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''Benelli R1 Rifle
''Browning BAR Mark II Safari Magnum Rifle
''Browning BAR Mark II Safari Semi-Auto Rifle
''Browning BAR Stalker Rifles
''Browning High-Power Rifle
''Browning Longtrac Rifle
''Browning Shorttrac Rifle
''Heckler & Koch HK630
''Heckler & Koch HK770
''Heckler & Koch HK940
''Heckler & Koch Model 300 Rifle
''Heckler & Koch SL7 Rifle
''Iver Johnson 50th Anniversary M''1 Carbine (w/o folding stock)
''Iver Johnson M''1 Carbine (w/o folding stock)
''M''1 Carbines with standard fixed stock
''M''1 Garand with fixed 8 round capacity and standard stock
''Marlin Model 9 Camp Carbine
''Marlin Model 45 Carbine
''Remington Model 74
''Remington Model 81
''Remington Model 740
''Remington Model 742
''Remington Model 750 Synthetic
''Remington Model 750 Woodmaster
''Remington Model 7400 Rifle
''Remington Model 7400 Special Purpose Auto Rifle
''Remington Nylon 66 Auto-Loading Rifle
''Ruger Mini 30
''Ruger Mini-14 (w/o folding or telescoping stock or pistol grip)
''Ruger PC4
''Ruger PC9
''SKS type rifles with fixed 10 round magazine and standard fixed stock
''Winchester Model SXR
''Action Arms Timber Wolf Pump Action
''Beretta 1873 Renegade Lever Action
''Beretta Gold Rush Slide Action
''Big Horn Armory Model 89
''Browning BLR Model 181 Lever Action, All Models
''Browning BPR Pump Rifle
''Browning Model 53 Lever Action
''Browning Model 65 Grade 1 Lever Action Rifle
''Browning Model 71 Rifle and Carbine
''Browning Model 81 BLR
''Browning Model 81 BLR Lever-Action Rifle
''Browning Model 81 Long Action BLR
''Browning Model 1886 High Grade Carbine
''Browning Model 1886 Lever-Action Carbine
''Browning Model B''92 Carbine
''Charles Daly Model 1892 Lever Action, All Models
''Chiappa 1886 Lever Action Rifles
''Cimarron 1860 Henry Replica
''Cimarron 1866 Winchester Replicas
''Cimarron 1873 30'" Express Rifle
''Cimarron 1873 Short Rifle
''Cimarron 1873 Sporting Rifle
''Cimarron 1873 Winchester Replicas
''Dixie Engraved 1873 Rifle
''Dixie Lightning Rifle and Carbines
''E.M.F. 1860 Henry Rifle
''E.M.F. 1866 Yellowboy Lever Actions
''E.M.F. Model 73 Lever-Action Rifle
''E.M.F. Model 1873 Lever Actions
''Henry .30/30 Lever Action Carbine
''Henry Big Boy .357 Magnum
''Henry Big Boy .44 Magnum
''Henry Big Boy .45 Colt
''Henry Big Boy Deluxe Engraved .44 Magnum
''Henry Big Boy Deluxe Engraved .45 Colt
''Marlin Model 30AS Lever-Action Carbine
''Marlin Model 62 Lever Action
''Marlin Model 93 Lever Action
''Marlin Model 308MX
''Marlin Model 308MXLR
''Marlin Model 336 Deluxe
''Marlin Model 336C
''Marlin Model 336CS Lever-Action Carbine
''Marlin Model 336DL Lever Action
''Marlin Model 336SS
''Marlin Model 336W
''Marlin Model 336XLR
''Marlin Model 338MX
''Marlin Model 338MXLR
''Marlin Model 444
''Marlin Model 444 Lever-Action
''Marlin Model 444XLR
''Marlin Model 1894 Marlin Model 1894 Cowboy
''Marlin Model 1894 Lever Action, All Models
''Marlin Model 1894C
''Marlin Model 1894CL Classic
''Marlin Model 1894CS Carbine
''Marlin Model 1894S Lever-Action Carbine
''Marlin Model 1894SS
''Marlin Model 1895
''Marlin Model 1895 Cowboy
''Marlin Model 1895 Lever Action, All Models
''Marlin Model 1895G
''Marlin Model 1895GS
''Marlin Model 1895M
''Marlin Model 1895MXLR
''Marlin Model 1895SBL
''Marlin Model 1895SS Lever-Action Rifle
''Marlin Model 1895XLR
''Marlin XLR Lever Action Rifles
''Mitchell 1858 Henry Replica
''Mitchell 1866 Winchester Replica
''Mitchell 1873 Winchester Replica
''Mossberg 464 Lever Action Rifle
''Mossberg Model 472 Lever Action
''Mossberg Model 479 Lever Action
''Navy Arms 1866 Yellowboy Rifle
''Navy Arms 1873 Sporting Rifle
''Navy Arms 1873 Winchester-Style Rifle
''Navy Arms 1892 Short Rifle
''Navy Arms Henry Carbine
''Navy Arms Henry Trapper
''Navy Arms Iron Frame Henry
''Navy Arms Military Henry Rifle
''Puma Bounty Hunter Rifle
''Puma Model 92 Rifles & Carbines
''Remington 7600 Slide Action
''Remington Model 6 Pump Action
''Remington Model 14, 141 '2 Pump Actions
''Remington Model 141 Pump Action
''Remington Model 760 Slide Actions
''Remington Model 7600 Special Purpose Slide Action
''Remington Model 7600 Synthetic
''Remington Model 7615 Camo Hunter
''Remington Model 7615 Ranch Carbine
''Remington Model 7615 SPS
''Rossi M92 SRC Saddle-Ring Carbine
''Rossi M92 SRS Short Carbine
''Rossi R92 Lever Action Carbines
''Ruger Model 96/44 Lever Action
''Savage 99C Lever-Action Rifle
''Savage Model 170 Pump Action
''Taurus Thunderbolt Pump Action
''Taylor's & CO., Inc. 1865 Spencer Carbine/Rifle
''Taylor's & CO., Inc. 1892 Carbine/Rifle
''U.S. Fire Arms Standard Lightning Magazine Rifle
''Uberti 1866 Sporting Rifle Uberti 1873 Sporting Rifle
''Uberti 1876 Rifle
''Uberti 1883 Burgess Lever Action Rifle/Carbine
''Uberti Henry Rifle
''Uberti Lightning Rifle/Carbine
''Winchester Lever Actions, All Other Center Fire Models
''Winchester Model 94 Big Bore Side Eject
''Winchester Model 94 Ranger Side Eject Lever-Action Rifle
''Winchester Model 94 Side Eject Lever-Action Rifle
''Winchester Model 94 Trapper Side Eject
''Winchester Model 94 Wrangler Side Eject
''Winchester Model 1895 Safari Centennial
''Accurate Arms Raptor & Backpack Bolt Action Rifles
''Alpine Bolt-Action Rifle
''Anschutz 1700D Bavarian Bolt-Action Rifle
''Anschutz 1700D Classic Rifles
''Anschutz 1700D Custom Rifles
''Anschutz 1733D Mannlicher Rifle
''Arnold Arms African Safari & Alaskan Trophy Rifles
''A-Square Caesar Bolt-Action Rifle
''A-Square Genghis Khan Bolt Action Rifle
''A-Square Hamilcar Bolt Action Rifle
''A-Square Hannibal Bolt-Action Rifle
''Auguste Francotte Bolt-Action Rifles
''Bansners Ultimate Bolt Action Rifles
''Beeman/HW 60J Bolt-Action Rifle
''Benton & Brown Firearms, Inc. Model 93 Bolt Action Rifle
''Blackheart International BBG Hunter Bolt Action
''Blackheart International LLC BBG Light Sniper Bolt Action
''Blaser R8 Professional
''Blaser R84 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Blaser R93 Bolt Action Rifle
''BRNO 537 Sporter Bolt-Action Rifle
''BRNO ZKB 527 Fox Bolt-Action Rifle
''BRNO ZKK 600, 601, 602 Bolt-Action Rifles
''Brown Precision Company Bolt Action Sporter
''Browning A-Bolt Gold Medallion
''Browning A-Bolt Left Hand
''Browning A-Bolt Micro Medallion
''Browning A-Bolt Rifle
''Browning A-Bolt Short Action
''Browning A-Bolt Stainless Stalker
''Browning Euro-Bolt Rifle
''Browning High-Power Bolt Action Rifle
''Browning X-Bolt Bolt Action Rifle
''Carbon One Bolt Action Rifle
''Carl Gustaf 2000 Bolt-Action Rifle Century
''Centurion 14 Sporter
''Century Enfield Sporter #4
''Century M70 Sporter
''Century Mauser 98 Sporter
''Century Swedish Sporter #38
''Cheytac M''200
''Cheytac M70 Sporter
''Cooper Model 21 Bolt Action Rifle
''Cooper Model 22 Bolt Action Rifle
''Cooper Model 38 Centerfire Sporter
''Cooper Model 56 Bolt Action Rifle
''CZ 527 Bolt Action Rifles
''CZ 550 Bolt Action Rifles
''CZ 750 Sniper Rifle
''Dakota 22 Sporter Bolt-Action Rifle
''Dakota 76 Classic Bolt-Action Rifle
''Dakota 76 Safari Bolt-Action Rifle
''Dakota 76 Short Action Rifles
''Dakota 97 Bolt Action Rifle
''Dakota 416 Rigby African
''Dakota Predator Rifle
''DSA DS''MP1 Bolt Action Rifle
''E.A.A./Sabatti Rover 870 Bolt-Action Rifle
''EAA/Zastava M''93 Black Arrow Rifle
''Ed Brown Hunting and Model 704 Bolt Action Rifles
''Heym Bolt Action Rifles
''Heym Magnum Express Series Rifle
''Howa Bolt Action Rifles
''Howa Lightning Bolt-Action Rifle
''Howa Realtree Camo Rifle
''H''S Precision Bolt Action Rifles
''Interarms Mark X Bolt Action Rifles
''Interarms Mark X Viscount Bolt-Action Rifle
''Interarms Mark X Whitworth Bolt-Action Rifle
''Interarms Mini-Mark X Rifle
''Interarms Whitworth Express Rifle
''Iver Johnson Model 5100A1 Long-Range Rifle
''KDF K15 American Bolt-Action Rifle
''Kenny Jarrett Bolt Action Rifle
''Kimber Bolt Action Rifles
''Krico Model 600 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Krico Model 700 Bolt-Action Rifles
''Magnum Research Mount Eagle Rifles
''Marlin Model XL7
''Marlin Model XL7C
''Marlin Model XL7L
''Marlin Model XL7W
''Marlin Model XS7
''Marlin Model XS7C
''Marlin Model XS7Y
''Marlin XL''7/XS7 Bolt Action Rifles
''Mauser Model 66 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Mauser Model 99 Bolt-Action Rifle
''McMillan Classic Stainless Sporter
''McMillan Signature Alaskan
''McMillan Signature Classic Sporter
''McMillan Signature Super Varminter
''McMillan Signature Titanium Mountain Rifle
''McMillan Talon Safari Rifle
''McMillan Talon Sporter Rifle
''Merkel KR1 Bolt Action Rifle
''Midland 1500S Survivor Rifle
''Mossberg Model 100 ATR (All-Terrain Rifle)
''Navy Arms TU''33/40 Carbine
''Nosler Model 48 Varmint Rifle
''Parker-Hale Bolt Action Rifles
''Parker-Hale Model 81 Classic African Rifle
''Parker-Hale Model 81 Classic Rifle
''Parker-Hale Model 1000 Rifle
''Parker-Hale Model 1100 Lightweight Rifle
''Parker-Hale Model 1100M African Magnum
''Parker-Hale Model 1200 Super Clip Rifle
''Parker-Hale Model 1200 Super Rifle
''Parker-Hale Model 1300C Scout Rifle
''Parker-Hale Model 2100 Midland Rifle
''Parker-Hale Model 2700 Lightweight Rifle
''Parker-Hale Model 2800 Midland Rifle
''Remington 700 ADL Bolt-Action Rifle
''Remington 700 BDL Bolt-Action Rifle
''Remington 700 BDL European Bolt-Action Rifle
''Remington 700 BDL Left Hand
''Remington 700 BDL SS Rifle
''Remington 700 BDL Varmint Special
''Remington 700 Camo Synthetic Rifle
''Remington 700 Classic Rifle
''Remington 700 Custom KS Mountain Rifle
''Remington 700 Mountain Rifle
''Remington 700 MTRSS Rifle
''Remington 700 Safari
''Remington 700 Stainless Synthetic Rifle
''Remington 700 Varmint Synthetic Rifle
''Remington Model 40''X Bolt Action Rifles
''Remington Model 700 Alaskan Ti
''Remington Model 700 Bolt Action Rifles
''Remington Model 700 CDL
''Remington Model 700 CDL 'Boone and Crockett'
''Remington Model 700 CDL Left-Hand
''Remington Model 700 CDL SF Limited Edition
''Remington Model 700 LSS
''Remington Model 700 Mountain LSS
''Remington Model 700 Sendero SF II
''Remington Model 700 SPS
''Remington Model 700 SPS Buckmasters Edition
''Remington Model 700 SPS Buckmasters Edition 'Young Bucks' Youth
''Remington Model 700 SPS Stainless
''Remington Model 700 SPS Tactical Rifle
''Remington Model 700 SPS Varmint
''Remington Model 700 SPS Varmint (Left-Hand)
''Remington Model 700 SPS Youth Synthetic Left-Hand
''Remington Model 700 VL SS Thumbhole
''Remington Model 700 VLS
''Remington Model 700 VS SF II
''Remington Model 700 VTR
''Remington Model 700 XCR
''Remington Model 700 XCR Camo
''Remington Model 700 XCR Compact Tactical Rifle
''Remington Model 700 XCR Left-Hand
''Remington Model 700 XCR Tactical Long Range Rifle
''Remington Model 715
''Remington Model 770
''Remington Model 770 Bolt Action Rifles
''Remington Model 770 Stainless Camo
''Remington Model 770 Youth
''Remington Model 798
''Remington Model 798 Safari
''Remington Model 798 SPS
''Remington Model 799
''Remington Model Seven 25th Anniversary
''Remington Model Seven Bolt Action Rifles
''Remington Model Seven CDL
''Remington Model Seven Custom KS
''Remington Model Seven Custom MS Rifle
''Remington Model Seven Predator
''Remington Model Seven Youth Rifle
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye African
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye Alaskan
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye All-Weather
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye All-Weather Ultra Light
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye Compact
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye International
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye Laminate Compact
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye Laminate Left-Handed
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye Predator
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye Sporter
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye Standard
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye Standard Left-Handed
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye Tactical
''Ruger M77 Hawkeye Ultra Light
''Ruger M77 Mark II All-Weather Stainless Rifle
''Ruger M77 Mark II Express Rifle
''Ruger M77 Mark II Magnum Rifle
''Ruger M77 Mark II Rifle
''Ruger M77 Mark II Target Rifle
''Ruger M77 RSI International Carbine
''Ruger M77
''Ruger Compact Magnum
''Ruger M77RL Ultra Light
''Ruger M77VT Target Rifle
''Ruger Model 77 Bolt Action Rifles
''Sako Bolt Action Rifles
''Sako Classic Bolt Action
''Sako Deluxe Lightweight
''Sako FiberClass Sporter
''Sako Hunter Left-Hand Rifle
''Sako Hunter LS Rifle Sako Hunter Rifle
''Sako Mannlicher-Style Carbine
''Sako Safari Grade Bolt Action
''Sako Super Deluxe Sporter
''Sako TRG''S Bolt-Action Rifle
''Sako Varmint Heavy Barrel
''Sauer 90 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Savage 16/116 Rifles
''Savage 110 Bolt Action Rifles
''Savage 110CY Youth/Ladies Rifle
''Savage 110F Bolt-Action Rifle
''Savage 110FP Police Rifle
''Savage 110FXP3 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Savage 110G Bolt-Action Rifle
''Savage 110GV Varmint Rifle
''Savage 110GXP3 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Savage 110WLE One of One Thousand Limited Edition Rifle
''Savage 112 Bolt Action Rifles
''Savage 112FV Varmint Rifle
''Savage 116 Bolt Action Rifles
''Savage 116FSS Bolt-Action Rifle
''Savage Axis Series Bolt Action Rifles
''Savage Model 10 Bolt Action Rifles
''Savage Model 10GXP Package Guns
''Savage Model 11/111 Series Bolt Action Rifles
''Savage Model 12 Series Rifles
''Savage Model 14/114 Rifles
''Savage Model 25 Bolt Action Rifles
''Savage Model 110GXP3 Package Guns
''Savage Model 112BV Heavy Barrel Varmint Rifle
''Savage Model 112FVS Varmint Rifle
''Savage Model 116FSK Kodiak Rifle
''Shilen Rifles Inc. DGA Bolt Action Rifles
''Smith & Wesson i-Bolt Rifle
''Steyr Scout Bolt Action Rifle
''Steyr SSG 69 PII Bolt Action Rifle
''Steyr SSG08 Bolt Action Rifle
''Steyr-Mannlicher Luxus Model L, M, S
''Steyr-Mannlicher Model M Professional Rifle
''Steyr-Mannlicher Sporter Models SL, L, M, S, S/T
''Thompson/Center ICON Bolt Action Rifles
''Thompson/Center Icon Classic Long Action Rifle
''Thompson/Center Icon Medium Action Rifle
''Thompson/Center Icon Precision Hunter
''Thompson/Center Icon Weather Shield Long Action Rifle
''Thompson/Center Icon Weather Shield Medium Action Rifle
''Thompson/Center Venture
''Tikka Bolt-Action Rifle
''Tikka Premium Grade Rifles
''Tikka T3 Bolt Action Rifles
''Tikka Varmint/Continental Rifle
''Tikka Whitetail/Battue Rifle
''Ultra Light Arms Model 20 Rifle
''Ultra Light Arms Model 24
''Ultra Light Arms Model 28, Model 40 Rifles
''Voere Model 2155, 2150 Bolt-Action Rifles
''Voere Model 2165 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Voere VEC 91 Lightning Bolt-Action Rifle
''Weatherby Classicmark No. 1 Rifle
''Weatherby Lasermark V Rifle
''Weatherby Mark V Crown Custom Rifles
''Weatherby Mark V Deluxe Bolt-Action Rifle
''Weatherby Mark V Rifles
''Weatherby Mark V Safari Grade Custom Rifles
''Weatherby Mark V Sporter Rifle
''Weatherby Vanguard Bolt Action Rifles
''Weatherby Vanguard Classic No. 1 Rifle
''Weatherby Vanguard Classic Rifle
''Weatherby Vanguard VGX Deluxe Rifle
''Weatherby Vanguard Weatherguard Rifle
''Weatherby Weatherguard Alaskan Rifle
''Weatherby Weathermark Alaskan Rifle
''Weatherby Weathermark Rifle
''Weatherby Weathermark Rifles
''Wichita Classic Rifle
''Wichita Varmint Rifle
''Winchester Model 70 Bolt Action Rifles
''Winchester Model 70 Custom Sharpshooter
''Winchester Model 70 Custom Sporting Sharpshooter Rifle
''Winchester Model 70 DBM Rifle
''Winchester Model 70 DBM''S Rifle
''Winchester Model 70 Featherweight
''Winchester Model 70 Featherweight Classic
''Winchester Model 70 Featherweight WinTuff
''Winchester Model 70 Lightweight Rifle
''Winchester Model 70 SM Sporter
''Winchester Model 70 Sporter
''Winchester Model 70 Sporter WinTuff
''Winchester Model 70 Stainless Rifle
''Winchester Model 70 Super Express Magnum
''Winchester Model 70 Super Grade
''Winchester Model 70 Synthetic Heavy Varmint Rifle
''Winchester Model 70 Varmint
''Winchester Ranger Rifle
''Armsport 1866 Sharps Rifle, Carbine
''Ballard Arms Inc. 1875 #3 Gallery Single Shot Rifle
''Ballard Arms Inc. 1875 #4 Perfection Rifle
''Ballard Arms Inc. 1875 #7 Long Range Rifle
''Ballard Arms Inc. 1875 #8 Union Hill rifle
''Ballard Arms Inc. 1875 11 '2 Hunter Rifle
''Ballard Arms Inc. 1885 High Wall Sporting Rifle
''Ballard Arms Inc. 1885 Low Wall Single Shot
''Brown Model 97D Single Shot Rifle
''Brown Model One Single Shot Rifle
''Browning Model 1885 Single Shot Rifle
''C. Sharps Arms 1875 Target & Sporting Rifle
''C. Sharps Arms Custom New Model 1877
''C. Sharps Arms New Model 1885 High Wall Rifle
''C. Sharps Arms 1874 Bridgeport Sporting Rifle
''C. Sharps Arms 1875 Classic Sharps
''C. Sharps Arms New Model 1874 Old Reliable
''C. Sharps Arms New Model 1875 Rifle
''C. Sharps Arms New Model 1875 Target & Long Range
''Cabela's 1874 Sharps Sporting
''Cimarron Billy Dixon 1874 Sharps
''Cimarron Model 1885 High Wall
''Cimarron Quigley Model 1874 Sharps
''Cimarron Silhouette Model 1874 Sharps
''Dakota Model 10 Single Shot Rifle
''Dakota Single Shot Rifle
''Desert Industries G''90 Single Shot Rifle
''Dixie Gun Works 1873 Trapdoor Rifle/Carbine
''Dixie Gun Works 1874 Sharps Rifles
''Dixie Gun Works Remington Rolling Block Rifles
''EMF Premier 1874 Sharps
''Harrington & Richardson Buffalo Classic Rifle (CR''1871)
''Harrington & Richardson CR 45''LC
''Harrington & Richardson Handi-Mag Rifle
''Harrington & Richardson Handi-Rifle
''Harrington & Richardson Handi-Rifle Compact
''Harrington & Richardson New England Hand-Rifle/Slug Gun Combos
''Harrington & Richardson Stainless Handi-Rifle
''Harrington & Richardson Stainless Ultra Hunter Thumbhole Stock
''Harrington & Richardson Superlight Handi-Rifle Compact
''Harrington & Richardson Survivor Rifle
''Harrington & Richardson Synthetic Handi-Rifle
''Harrington & Richardson Ultra Hunter Rifle
''Harrington & Richardson Ultra Varmint Fluted
''Harrington & Richardson Ultra Varmint Rifle
''Harrington & Richardson Ultra Varmint Thumbhole Stock
''Krieghoff Hubertus Single Shot
''Meacham High Wall
''Merkel K1 Lightweight Stalking Rifle
''Merkel K2 Custom Stalking Rifle
''Model 1885 High Wall Rifle
''Navy Arms #2 Creedmoor Rifle
''Navy Arms 1873 John Bodine Rolling Black Rifle
''Navy Arms 1873 Springfield Cavalry Carbine
''Navy Arms 1874 Sharps Rifles
''Navy Arms 1874 1885 High Wall Rifles
''Navy Arms Rolling Block Buffalo Rifle
''Navy Arms Sharps ''Quigley'' Rifle
''Navy Arms Sharps Cavalry Carbine
''Navy Arms Sharps Plains Rifle
''New England Firearms Handi-Rifle
''New England Firearms Sportster/Versa Pack Rifle
''New England Firearms Survivor Rifle
''Red Willow Armory Ballard No. 1.5 Hunting Rifle
''Red Willow Armory Ballard No. 4.5 Target Rifle
''Red Willow Armory Ballard No. 5 Pacific
''Red Willow Armory Ballard No. 8 Union Hill Rifle
''Red Willow Armory Ballard Rifles
''Remington Model Rolling Block Rifles
''Remington Model SPR18 Blued
''Remington Model SPR18 Nickel
''Remington Model SPR18 Single Shot Rifle
''Remington-Style Rolling Block Carbine
''Rossi Match Pairs Rifles
''Rossi Single Shot Rifles
''Rossi Wizard
''Ruger No. 1 RSI International
''Ruger No. 1 Stainless Sporter
''Ruger No. 1 Stainless Standard
''Ruger No. 1A Light Sporter
''Ruger No. 1B Single Shot
''Ruger No. 1H Tropical Rifle
''Ruger No. 1S Medium Sporter
''Ruger No. 1V Special Varminter
''Sharps 1874 Old Reliable
''Shiloh 1875 Rifles
''Shiloh Sharps 1874 Business Rifle
''Shiloh Sharps 1874 Long Range Express
''Shiloh Sharps 1874 Military Carbine
''Shiloh Sharps 1874 Military Rifle
''Shiloh Sharps 1874 Montana Roughrider
''Shiloh Sharps Creedmoor Target
''Thompson/Center Contender Carbine
''Thompson/Center Contender Carbine Survival System
''Thompson/Center Contender Carbine Youth Model
''Thompson/Center Encore
''Thompson/Center Stainless Contender Carbine
''Thompson/Center TCR '87 Single Shot Rifle
''Thompson/Encore Rifles
''Traditions 1874 Sharps Deluxe Rifle
''Traditions 1874 Sharps Standard Rifle
''Traditions Rolling Block Sporting Rifle
''Uberti (Stoeger Industries) Sharps Rifles
''Uberti 1871 Rolling Block Rifle/Carbine
''Uberti 1874 Sharps Sporting Rifle
''Uberti 1885 High Wall Rifles
''Uberti Rolling Block Baby Carbine
''Uberti Springfield Trapdoor Carbine/Rifle
''A. Zoli Rifle-Shotgun O/U Combo
''Auguste Francotte Boxlock Double Rifle
''Auguste Francotte Sidelock Double Rifles
''Baikal IZH''94 Express
''Baikal MP94'' (IZH''94) O/U
''Beretta Express SSO O/U Double Rifles
''Beretta Model 455 SxS Express Rifle
''Chapuis RGExpress Double Rifle
''CZ 584 SOLO Combination Gun
''CZ 589 Stopper O/U Gun
''Dakota Double Rifle
''Garbi Express Double Rifle
''Harrington & Richardson Survivor
''Harrington & Richardson Synthetic Handi-Rifle/Slug Gun Combo
''Heym Model 55B O/U Double Rifle
''Heym Model 55FW O/U Combo Gun
''Heym Model 88b Side-by-Side Double Rifle
''Hoenig Rotary Round Action Combination Rifle
''Hoenig Rotary Round Action Double Rifle
''Kodiak Mk. IV Double Rifle
''Kreighoff Teck O/U Combination Gun
''Kreighoff Trumpf Drilling
''Krieghoff Drillings
''Lebeau-Courally Express Rifle 5X5
''Merkel Boxlock Double Rifles
''Merkel Drillings
''Merkel Model 160 Side-by-Side Double Rifles
''Merkel Over/Under Combination Guns
''Merkel Over/Under Double Rifles
''Remington Model SPR94 .410/Rimfire
''Remington Model SPR94 12 Gauge/Centerfire
''Rizzini Express 90L Double Rifle
''Savage 24F O/U Combination Gun
''Savage 24F''12T Turkey Gun
''Springfield Inc. M6 Scout Rifle/Shotgun
''Tikka Model 412s Combination Gun
''Tikka Model 412S Double Fire
''AMT Lightning 25/22 Rifle
''AMT Lightning Small-Game Hunting Rifle II
''AMT Magnum Hunter Auto Rifle
''Anschutz 525 Deluxe Auto
''Armscor Model 20P Auto Rifle
''Browning Auto .22 Rifles
''Browning Auto-22 Rifle
''Browning Auto-22 Grade VI
''Browning BAR .22 Auto Rifle
''Browning SA''22 Semi-Auto 22 Rifle
''Henry U.S. Survival .22
''Henry U.S. Survival Rifle AR''7
''Krico Model 260 Auto Rifle
''Lakefield Arms Model 64B Auto Rifle
''Marlin Model 60 Self Loading Rifles
''Marlin Model 60C
''Marlin Model 60SB
''Marlin Model 60S''CF
''Marlin Model 60SN
''Marlin Model 60ss Self-Loading Rifle
''Marlin Model 70 Auto-loading Rifles
''Marlin Model 70 HC Auto
''Marlin Model 70P Papoose
''Marlin Model 70PSS
''Marlin Model 795
''Marlin Model 795SS
''Marlin Model 922 Magnum Self-Loading Rifle
''Marlin Model 990l Self-Loading Rifle
''Marlin Model 995 Self-Loading Rifle
''Mossberg 702 Plinkster
''Norinco Model 22 ATD Rifle
''Remington 552BDL Speedmaster Rifle
''Remington Model 522 Viper Autoloading Rifle
''Remington Model 597 Blaze Camo
''Remington Model 597 Pink Camo
''Remington Model 597 Synthetic Scope Combo
''Ruger 10/22 Autoloading Carbine (w/o folding stock)
''Ruger 10/22 Compact
''Ruger 10/22 Sporter
''Ruger 10/22 Target
''Survival Arms AR''7 Explorer Rifle
''Texas Remington Revolving Carbine
''Thompson/Center R''55 All-Weather
''Thompson/Center R''55 Benchmark
''Thompson/Center R''55 Classic
''Thompson/Center R''55 Rifles
''Thompson/Center R''55 Sporter
''Voere Model 2115 Auto Rifle
''Browning BL''22 Lever-Action Rifle
''Henry .22 Lever Action Rifles, All Models
''Henry Golden Boy .17 HMR
''Henry Golden Boy .22
''Henry Golden Boy .22 Magnum
''Henry Golden Boy Deluxe
''Henry Lever .22 Magnum
''Henry Lever Action .22
''Henry Lever Carbine .22
''Henry Lever Octagon .22
''Henry Lever Octagon .22 Magnum
''Henry Lever Youth Model .22
''Henry Pump Action Octagon .22
''Henry Pump Action Octagon .22 Magnum
''Henry Varmint Express .17 HMR
''Marlin 39TDS Carbine
''Marlin Model 39A Golden Lever Action
''Marlin Model 39AS Golden Lever-Action Rifle
''Mossberg Model 464 Rimfire Lever Action Rifle
''Norinco EM''321 Pump Rifle
''Remington 572BDL Fieldmaster Pump Rifle
''Rossi Model 62 SA Pump Rifle
''Rossi Model 62 SAC Carbine
''Rossi Model G2 Gallery Rifle
''Ruger Model 96 Lever-Action Rifle
''Taurus Model 62-Pump
''Taurus Model 72 Pump Rifle
''Winchester Model 9422 Lever-Action Rifle
''Winchester Model 9422 Magnum Lever-Action Rifle
''Anschutz 1416D/1516D Classic Rifles
''Anschutz 1418D/1518D Mannlicher Rifles
''Anschutz 1700 FWT Bolt-Action Rifle
''Anschutz 1700D Bavarian Bolt-Action Rifle
''Anschutz 1700D Classic Rifles
''Anschutz 1700D Custom Rifles
''Anschutz 1700D Graphite Custom Rifle
''Anschutz 1702 D H B Classic
''Anschutz 1713 Silhouette
''Anschutz Achiever
''Anschutz Achiever Bolt-Action Rifle
''Anschutz All other Bolt Action Rimfire Models
''Anschutz Kadett
''Anschutz Model 1502 D Classic
''Anschutz Model 1517 D Classic
''Anschutz Model 1517 MPR Multi Purpose
''Anschutz Model 1517 S''BR
''Anschutz Model 1710 D KL
''Anschutz Model 1717 Classic
''Anschutz Model 1717 Silhouette Sporter
''Anschutz Model G4 MPB
''Anschutz Model Woodchucker
''Armscor Model 14P Bolt-Action Rifle
''Armscor Model 1500 Rifle
''Beeman/HW 60''J''ST Bolt-Action Rifle
''BRNO ZKM 452 Deluxe
''BRNO ZKM''456 Lux Sporter
''BRNO ZKM''452 Deluxe Bolt-Action Rifle
''Browning A-Bolt 22 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Browning A-Bolt Gold Medallion
''Browning T-Bolt Rimfire Rifles
''Cabanas Espronceda IV Bolt-Action Rifle
''Cabanas Leyre Bolt-Action Rifle
''Cabanas Master Bolt-Action Rifle
''Cabanas Phaser Rifle
''Chipmunk Single Shot Rifle
''Cooper Arms Model 36S Sporter Rifle
''Cooper Model 57''M Bolt Action Rifle
''CZ 452 Bolt Action Rifles
''Dakota 22 Sporter Bolt-Action Rifle
''Davey Crickett Single Shot Rifle
''Harrington & Richardson Sportster
''Harrington & Richardson Sportster 17 Hornady Magnum Rimfire
''Harrington & Richardson Sportster Compact
''Henry 'Mini' Bolt Action Rifle
''Henry Acu-Bolt .22
''Henry Mini Bolt Youth .22
''Kimber Bolt Action .22 Rifles
''Krico Model 300 Bolt-Action Rifles
''Lakefield Arms Mark I Bolt-Action Rifle
''Lakefield Arms Mark II Bolt-Action Rifle
''Magtech Model MT Bolt Action Rifle
''Magtech Model MT''22C Bolt-Action Rifle
''Marlin Model 15YN 'Little Buckaroo'
''Marlin Model 25MN Bolt-Action Rifle
''Marlin Model 25N Bolt-Action Repeater
''Marlin Model 880 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Marlin Model 881 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Marlin Model 882 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Marlin Model 883 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Marlin Model 883SS Bolt-Action Rifle
''Marlin Model 915 YN 'Little Buckaroo'
''Marlin Model 915Y (Compact)
''Marlin Model 915YS (Compact)
''Marlin Model 917
''Marlin Model 917S
''Marlin Model 917V
''Marlin Model 917VR
''Marlin Model 917VS
''Marlin Model 917VS''CF
''Marlin Model 917VSF
''Marlin Model 917VST
''Marlin Model 917VT
''Marlin Model 925
''Marlin Model 925C
''Marlin Model 925M
''Marlin Model 925R
''Marlin Model 925RM
''Marlin Model 980S
''Marlin Model 980S''CF
''Marlin Model 981T
''Marlin Model 982 Bolt Action Rifle
''Marlin Model 982VS
''Marlin Model 982VS''CF
''Marlin Model 983
''Marlin Model 983S
''Marlin Model 983T
''Marlin Model XT''17 Series Bolt Action Rifles
''Marlin Model XT''22 Series Bolt Action Rifles
''Mauser Model 107 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Mauser Model 201 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Meacham Low-Wall Rifle
''Mossberg Model 801/802 Bolt Rifles
''Mossberg Model 817 Varmint Bolt Action Rifle
''Navy Arms TU''33/40 Carbine
''Navy Arms TU''KKW Sniper Trainer
''Navy Arms TU''KKW Training Rifle
''New England Firearms Sportster Single Shot Rifles
''Norinco JW''15 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Norinco JW''27 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Remington 40''XR Rimfire Custom Sporter
''Remington 541''T
''Remington 541''T HB Bolt-Action
''Rifle Remington 581''S Sportsman Rifle
''Remington Model Five
''Remington Model Five Youth
''Rossi Matched Pair Single Shot Rifle
''Ruger 77/17
''Ruger 77/22
''Ruger 77/22 Rimfire Bolt-Action Rifle
''Ruger 77/44
''Ruger K77/22 Varmint Rifle
''Savage CUB T Mini Youth
''Savage Mark I''G Bolt Action
''Savage Mark II Bolt Action Rifles
''Savage Model 30 G Stevens Favorite
''Savage Model 93 Rifles
''Thompson/Center Hotshot Youth Rifle
''Ultra Light Arms Model 20 RF Bolt-Action Rifle
''Winchester Model 52B Sporting Rifle
''Winchester Wildcat Bolt Action Rifle 22
''Anschutz 1803D Intermediate Match
''Anschutz 1808D RT Super Match 54 Target
''Anschutz 1827B Biathlon Rifle
''Anschutz 1827BT Fortner Biathlon Rifle
''Anschutz 1903 Rifles
''Anschutz 1903D Match Rifle
''Anschutz 1907 Match Rifle
''Anschutz 1910 Super Match II
''Anschutz 1911 Match Rifle
''Anschutz 1912 Rifles
''Anschutz 1913 Super Match Rifle
''Anschutz 54.18MS REP Deluxe Silhouette Rifle
''Anschutz 54.18MS Silhouette Rifle
''Anschutz 64 MP R Silhouette Rifle
''Anschutz 64''MS Left Silhouette
''Anschutz Super Match 54 Target Model 2007
''Anschutz Super Match 54 Target Model 2013
''Beeman/Feinwerkbau 2600 Target Rifle
''Cooper Arms Model TRP''1 ISU Standard Rifle
''E.A.A./HW 60 Target Rifle
''E.A.A./HW 660 Match Rifle
''E.A.A./Weihrauch HW 60 Target Rifle
''Ed Brown Model 704, M40A2 Marine Sniper
''Finnish Lion Standard Target Rifle
''Krico Model 360 S2 Biathlon Rifle
''Krico Model 360S Biathlon Rifle
''Krico Model 400 Match Rifle
''Krico Model 500 Kricotronic Match Rifle
''Krico Model 600 Match Rifle
''Krico Model 600 Sniper Rifle
''Lakefield Arms Model 90B Target Rifle
''Lakefield Arms Model 91T Target Rifle
''Lakefield Arms Model 92S Silhouette Rifle
''Marlin Model 2000 Target Rifle
''Mauser Model 86''SR Specialty Rifle
''McMillan 300 Phoenix Long Range Rifle
''McMillan Long Range Rifle
''McMillan M''86 Sniper Rifle
''McMillan M''89 Sniper Rifle
''McMillan National Match Rifle
''Parker-Hale M''85 Sniper Rifle
''Parker-Hale M''87 Target Rifle
''Remington 40''X Bolt Action Rifles
''Remington 40''XB Rangemaster Target Centerfire
''Remington 40''XBBR KS
''Remington 40''XC KS National Match Course Rifle
''Remington 40''XR KS Rimfire Position Rifle
''Sako TRG''21 Bolt-Action Rifle
''Sako TRG''22 Bolt Action Rifle
''Springfield Armory M''1 Garand
''Steyr-Mannlicher SSG Rifles
''Steyr-Mannlicher Match SPG''UIT Rifle
''Steyr-Mannlicher SSG P''I Rifle
''Steyr-Mannlicher SSG P''II Rifle
''Steyr-Mannlicher SSG P''III Rifle
''Steyr-Mannlicher SSG P''IV Rifle
''Tanner 300 Meter Free Rifle
''Tanner 50 Meter Free Rifle
''Tanner Standard UIT Rifle
''Time Precision 22RF Bench Rifle
''Wichita Silhouette Rifle
''American Arms
''American Arms/Franchi Black Magic 48/AL
''Benelli Bimillionaire
''Benelli Black Eagle Competition Auto Shotgun
''Benelli Cordoba
''Benelli Executive Series
''Benelli Legacy Model
''Benelli M1
''Benelli M1 Defense
''Benelli M1 Tactical
''Benelli M1014 Limited Edition
''Benelli M2
''Benelli M2 Field Steady Grip
''Benelli M2 Practical
''Benelli M2 Tactical
''Benelli M2 American Series
''Benelli M3 Convertible
''Benelli M4 Models Vinci Steady Grip
''Benelli Montefeltro Super 90 20-Gauge Shotgun
''Benelli Montefeltro Super 90 Shotgun
''Benelli Raffaello Series Shotguns
''Benelli Sport Model
''Benelli Super 90 M1 Field Model
''Benelli Super Black Eagle II Models
''Benelli Super Black Eagle II Steady Grip
''Benelli Super Black Eagle Models
''Benelli Super Black Eagle Shotgun
''Benelli Super Black Eagle Slug Gun
''Benelli Super Vinci
''Benelli Supersport
''Benelli Two-Gun Sets
''Benelli Ultralight
''Benelli Vinci
''Beretta 390 Field Auto Shotgun
''Beretta 390 Super Trap, Super Skeet Shotguns
''Beretta 3901 Citizen
''Beretta 3901 Rifled Slug Gun
''Beretta 3901 Statesman
''Beretta A''303 Auto Shotgun
''Beretta A400 Series
''Beretta AL''2 Models
''Beretta AL''3 Deluxe Trap
''Beretta AL390 Series
''Beretta AL391 Teknys Gold
''Beretta AL391 Teknys Gold Sporting
''Beretta AL391 Teknys Gold Target
''Beretta AL391 Urika 2 Camo AP
''Beretta AL391 Urika 2 Camo Max-4
''Beretta AL391 Urika 2 Classic
''Beretta AL391 Urika 2 Gold
''Beretta AL391 Urika 2 Gold Sporting
''Beretta AL391 Urika 2 Parallel Target SL
''Beretta AL391 Urika 2 Sporting
''Beretta AL391 Urika 2 Synthetic
''Beretta EH4EAA48F66925464E83F8BEC0ADC83F4D00 Pintail Series
''Beretta Model 1200 Field
''Beretta Model 1201F Auto Shotgun
''Beretta Model 300
''Beretta Model 301 Series
''Beretta Model 302 Series
''Beretta Model 60
''Beretta Model 61
''Beretta Model A304 Lark
''Beretta Model AL391 Series
''Beretta Model TX4 Storm
''Beretta Silver Lark
''Beretta UGB25 Xcel
''Beretta Vittoria Auto Shotgun
''Beretta Xtrema2
''Breda Altair
''Breda Altair Special
''Breda Aries 2
''Breda Astro
''Breda Astrolux
''Breda Echo
''Breda Ermes Series
''Breda Gold Series
''Breda Grizzly
''Breda Mira
''Breda Standard Series
''Breda Xanthos
''Brolin BL''12
''Brolin SAS''12
''Browning A''500G Auto Shotgun
''Browning A''500G Sporting Clays
''Browning A''500R Auto Shotgun
''Browning Auto-5 Light 12 and 20
''Browning Auto-5 Magnum 12
''Browning Auto-5 Magnum 20
''Browning Auto-5 Stalker
''Browning B2000 Series
''Browning BSA 10 Auto Shotgun
''Browning BSA 10 Stalker Auto Shotgun
''Browning Gold Series
''Browning Maxus Series
''Charles Daly Field Grade Series
''Charles Daly Novamatic Series
''Charles Daly Tactical
''Churchill Regent
''Churchill Standard Model
''Churchill Turkey Automatic Shotgun
''Churchill Windsor
''Cosmi Automatic Shotgun
''CZ 712
''CZ 720
''CZ 912
''Escort Escort Series
''European American Armory (EAA) Bundra Series
''Fabarms Ellegi Series
''Fabarms Lion Series
''Fabarms Tactical
''FNH USA Model SLP
''Franchi 610VS
''Franchi 612 Series
''Franchi 620
''Franchi 712
''Franchi 720
''Franchi 912
''Franchi AL 48
''Franchi AL 48 Series
''Franchi Elite
''Franchi I''12 Inertia Series
''Franchi Prestige
''H&K Model 512
''H&R Manufrance
''H&R Model 403
''Hi-Standard 10A
''Hi-Standard 10B
''Hi-Standard Semi Automatic Model
''Hi-Standard Supermatic Series
''Ithaca Mag-10
''Ithaca Model 51 Series
''LaSalle Semi-automatic
''Ljutic Bi-matic Autoloader
''Luger Ultra-light Model
''Marlin SI 12 Series
''Maverick Model 60 Auto Shotgun
''Model AL''1
''Mossberg 1000
''Mossberg Model 600 Auto Shotgun
''Mossberg Model 930 All-Purpose Field
''Mossberg Model 930 Slugster
''Mossberg Model 930 Turkey
''Mossberg Model 930 Waterfowl
''Mossberg Model 935 Magnum Combos
''Mossberg Model 935 Magnum Flyway Series Waterfowl
''Mossberg Model 935 Magnum Grand Slam Series Turkey
''Mossberg Model 935 Magnum Turkey
''Mossberg Model 935 Magnum Waterfowl
''New England Firearms Excell Auto Combo
''New England Firearms Excell Auto Synthetic
''New England Firearms Excell Auto Turkey
''New England Firearms Excell Auto Walnut
''New England Firearms Excell Auto Waterfowl
''Nighthawk Tactical Semi-auto
''Ottomanguns Sultan Series
''Remington 105Ti Series
''Remington 1100 20-Gauge Deer Gun
''Remington 1100 LT''20 Auto
''Remington 1100 LT''20 Tournament Skeet
''Remington 1100 Special Field
''Remington 11''48 Series
''Remington 11''96 Series
''Remington Model 105 Cti
''Remington Model 11 Series
''Remington Model 1100 Classic Trap
''Remington Model 1100 Competition
''Remington Model 1100 G3
''Remington Model 1100 G3
''Remington Model 1100 Series
''Remington Model 1100 Shotgun
''Remington Model 1100 Sporting Series
''Remington Model 11''87 Sportsman Camo
''Remington Model 11''87 Sportsman Super Mag Synthetic
''Remington Model 11''87 Sportsman Super Mag Waterfowl
''Remington Model 11''87 Sportsman Synthetic
''Remington Model 11''87 Sportsman Youth
''Remington Model 11''87 Sportsman Youth Synthetic
''Remington Model 48 Series
''Remington Model 58 Series
''Remington Model 870 Classic Trap
''Remington Model 878A Automaster
''Remington Model SP''10 Magnum Satin
''Remington Model SP''10 Waterfowl
''Remington Model SPR453
''Remington Versa-Max Series
''Savage Model 720
''Savage Model 726
''Savage Model 740C Skeet Gun
''Savage Model 745
''Savage Model 755 Series
''Savage Model 775 Series
''Scattergun Technologies K''9
''Scattergun Technologies SWAT
''Scattergun Technologies Urban Sniper Model
''SKB 1300 Upland
''SKB 1900
''SKB 300 Series
''SKB 900 Series
''SKS 3000
''Smith & Wesson Model 1000
''Smith & Wesson Model 1012 Series
''Spartan Gun Works SPR453
''TOZ Model H''170
''Tri-Star Diana Series
''Tri-Star Phantom Series
''Tri-Star Viper Series
''Tula Arms Plant TOZ 87
''Verona 401 Series
''Verona 405 Series
''Verona 406 Series
''Verona SX801 Series
''Weatherby Centurion Series
''Weatherby Field Grade
''Weatherby Model 82
''Weatherby SA''08 Series
''Weatherby SA''459 TR
''Weatherby SAS Series
''Winchester 1500
''Winchester Model 50
''Winchester Model 59
''Winchester Super X1 Series
''Winchester Super X2 Series
''Winchester Super X3 Series
''ADCO Diamond Grade
''ADCO Diamond Series Shotguns
''ADCO Mariner Model
''ADCO Sales Inc. Gold Elite Series
''Armscor M''30 Series
''Armscor M''5
''Baikal IZH''81
''Baikal MP133
''Benelli Nova Series
''Benelli Supernova Series
''Beretta Ariete Standard
''Beretta Gold Pigeon Pump
''Beretta Model SL''12
''Beretta Ruby Pigeon Pump
''Beretta Silver Pigeon Pump
''Brolin Field Series
''Brolin Lawman Model
''Brolin Slug Special
''Brolin Slugmaster
''Brolin Turkey Master
''Browning BPS Game Gun Deer Special
''Browning BPS Game Gun Turkey Special
''Browning BPS Pigeon Grade Pump Shotgun
''Browning BPS Pump Shotgun
''Browning BPS Pump Shotgun (Ladies and Youth Model)
''Browning BPS Series Pump Shotgun
''Browning BPS Stalker Pump Shotgun
''Browning Model 12 Limited Edition Series
''Browning Model 42 Pump Shotgun
''Century IJ12 Slide Action
''Century Ultra 87 Slide Action
''Charles Daly Field Hunter
''Ducks Unlimited Dinner Guns
''EAA Model PM2
''Escort Field Series
''Fort Worth Firearms GL18
''H&R Pardner Pump
''Hi-Standard Flite-King Series
''Hi-Standard Model 200
''Interstate Arms Model 981
''Interstate Arms Model 982T
''Ithaca Deerslayer II Rifled Shotgun
''Ithaca Model 87 Deerslayer Shotgun
''Ithaca Model 87 Deluxe Pump Shotgun
''Ithaca Model 87 Series Shotguns
''Ithaca Model 87 Supreme Pump Shotgun
''Ithaca Model 87 Turkey Gun
''Magtech Model 586''VR Pump Shotgun
''Maverick Models 88, 91 Pump Shotguns
''Mossberg 200 Series Shotgun
''Mossberg 3000 Pump shotgun
''Mossberg 535 ATS Series Pump Shotguns
''Mossberg Field Grade Model 835 Pump Shotgun
''Mossberg Model 500 All Purpose Field
''Mossberg Model 500 Bantam
''Mossberg Model 500 Bantam Combo
''Mossberg Model 500 Bantam Pump
''Mossberg Model 500 Camo Pump
''Mossberg Model 500 Combos
''Mossberg Model 500 Flyway Series Waterfowl
''Mossberg Model 500 Grand Slam Series Turkey
''Mossberg Model 500 Muzzleloader
''Mossberg Model 500 Muzzleloader Combo
''Mossberg Model 500 Series Pump Shotguns
''Mossberg Model 500 Slugster
''Mossberg Model 500 Sporting Pump
''Mossberg Model 500 Super Bantam All Purpose Field
''Mossberg Model 500 Super Bantam Combo
''Mossberg Model 500 Super Bantam Slug
''Mossberg Model 500 Super Bantam Turkey
''Mossberg Model 500 Trophy Slugster
''Mossberg Model 500 Turkey
''Mossberg Model 500 Waterfowl
''Mossberg Model 505 Series Pump Shotguns
''Mossberg Model 505 Youth All Purpose Field
''Mossberg Model 535 ATS All Purpose Field
''Mossberg Model 535 ATS Combos
''Mossberg Model 535 ATS Slugster
''Mossberg Model 535 ATS Turkey
''Mossberg Model 535 ATS Waterfowl
''Mossberg Model 835 Regal Ulti-Mag Pump
''Mossberg Model 835 Series Pump Shotguns
''Mossberg Model 835 Ulti-Mag
''Mossberg Turkey Model 500 Pump
''National Wild Turkey Federation (NWTF) Banquet/Guns of the Year
''New England Firearms Pardner Pump Combo
''New England Firearms Pardner Pump Field
''New England Firearms Pardner Pump Slug Gun
''New England Firearms Pardner Pump Synthetic
''New England Firearms Pardner Pump Turkey Gun
''New England Firearms Pardner Pump Walnut
''New England Firearms Pardner Pump-Compact Field
''New England Firearms Pardner Pump-Compact Synthetic
''New England Firearms Pardner Pump-Compact Walnut
''Norinco Model 98 Field Series
''Norinco Model 983
''Norinco Model 984
''Norinco Model 985
''Norinco Model 987
''Orvis Grand Vazir Series
''Quail Unlimited Limited Edition Pump Shotguns
''Remington 870 Express
''Remington 870 Express Rifle Sighted Deer Gun
''Remington 870 Express Series Pump Shotguns
''Remington 870 Express Turkey
''Remington 870 High Grade Series
''Remington 870 High Grades
''Remington 870 Marine Magnum
''Remington 870 Special Field
''Remington 870 Special Purpose Deer Gun
''Remington 870 Special Purpose Synthetic Camo
''Remington 870 SPS Special Purpose Magnum
''Remington 870 SPS''BG''Camo Deer/Turkey Shotgun
''Remington 870 SPS''Deer Shotgun
''Remington 870 SPS''T Camo Pump Shotgun
''Remington 870 TC Trap
''Remington 870 Wingmaster
''Remington 870 Wingmaster Series
''Remington 870 Wingmaster Small Gauges
''Remington Model 11''87 XCS Super Magnum Waterfowl
''Remington Model 870 Ducks Unlimited Series Dinner Pump Shotguns
''Remington Model 870 Express
''Remington Model 870 Express JR.
''Remington Model 870 Express Shurshot Synthetic Cantilever
''Remington Model 870 Express Super Magnum
''Remington Model 870 Express Synthetic
''Remington Model 870 Express Youth Gun
''Remington Model 870 Express Youth Synthetic
''Remington Model 870 SPS Shurshot Synthetic Cantilever
''Remington Model 870 SPS Shurshot Synthetic Turkey
''Remington Model 870 SPS Special Purpose Magnum Series Pump Shotguns
''Remington Model 870 SPS Super Mag Max Gobbler
''Remington Model 870 XCS Marine Magnum
''Remington Model 870 XCS Super Magnum
''Winchester 12 Commercial Riot Gun
''Winchester 97 Commercial Riot Gun
''Winchester Model 12 Pump Shotgun
''Winchester Model 120 Ranger
''Winchester Model 1200 Series Shotgun
''Winchester Model 1300 Ranger Pump Gun
''Winchester Model 1300 Ranger Pump Gun Combo & Deer Gun
''Winchester Model 1300 Series Shotgun
''Winchester Model 1300 Slug Hunter Deer Gun
''Winchester Model 1300 Turkey Gun
''Winchester Model 1300 Walnut Pump
''Winchester Model 42 High Grade Shotgun
''Winchester Speed Pump Defender
''Winchester SXP Series Pump Shotgun
''Zoli Pump Action Shotgun
''ADCO Sales Diamond Series Shotguns
''American Arms/Franchi Falconet 2000 O/U
''American Arms Lince
''American Arms Silver I O/U
''American Arms Silver II Shotgun
''American Arms Silver Skeet O/U
''American Arms Silver Sporting O/U
''American Arms Silver Trap O/U
''American Arms WS/OU 12, TS/OU 12 Shotguns
''American Arms WT/OU 10 Shotgun
''American Arms/Franchi Sporting 2000 O/U
''Armsport 2700 O/U Goose Gun
''Armsport 2700 Series O/U
''Armsport 2900 Tri-Barrel Shotgun
''AYA Augusta
''AYA Coral A
''AYA Coral B
''AYA Excelsior
''AYA Model 37 Super
''AYA Model 77
''AYA Model 79 Series
''Baby Bretton Over/Under Shotgun
''Baikal IZH27
''Baikal MP310
''Baikal MP333
''Baikal MP94
''Beretta 90 DE LUXE
''Beretta 682 Gold E Skeet
''Beretta 682 Gold E Trap
''Beretta 682 Gold E Trap Bottom Single
''Beretta 682 Series
''Beretta 682 Super Sporting O/U
''Beretta 685 Series
''Beretta 686 Series
''Beretta 686 White Onyx
''Beretta 686 White Onyx Sporting
''Beretta 687 EELL Classic
''Beretta 687 EELL Diamond Pigeon
''Beretta 687 EELL Diamond Pigeon Sporting
''Beretta 687 series
''Beretta 687EL Sporting O/U
''Beretta Alpha Series
''Beretta America Standard
''Beretta AS
''Beretta ASE 90 Competition O/U Shotgun
''Beretta ASE 90 Gold Skeet
''Beretta ASE Gold
''Beretta ASE Series
''Beretta ASEL
''Beretta BL Sereis
''Beretta DT10 Series
''Beretta DT10 Trident EELL
''Beretta DT10 Trident L Sporting
''Beretta DT10 Trident Skeet
''Beretta DT10 Trident Sporting
''Beretta DT10 Trident Trap Combo
''Beretta Europa
''Beretta Field Shotguns
''Beretta Gamma Series
''Beretta Giubileo
''Beretta Grade Four
''Beretta Grade One
''Beretta Grade Three
''Beretta Grade Two
''Beretta Milano
''Beretta Model 686 Ultralight O/U
''Beretta Model SO5, SO6, SO9 Shotguns
''Beretta Onyx Hunter Sport O/U Shotgun
''Beretta Over/Under Field Shotguns
''Beretta Royal Pigeon
''Beretta S56 Series
''Beretta S58 Series
''Beretta Series 682 Competition Over/Unders
''Beretta Silver Pigeon II
''Beretta Silver Pigeon II Sporting
''Beretta Silver Pigeon III
''Beretta Silver Pigeon III Sporting
''Beretta Silver Pigeon IV
''Beretta Silver Pigeon S
''Beretta Silver Pigeon V
''Beretta Silver Snipe
''Beretta Skeet Set
''Beretta SO''1
''Beretta SO''2
''Beretta SO''3
''Beretta SO''4
''Beretta SO5
''Beretta SO6 EELL
''Beretta SO''10
''Beretta SO10 EELL
''Beretta Sporting Clay Shotguns
''Beretta SV10 Perennia
''Beretta Ultralight
''Beretta Ultralight Deluxe
''Bertuzzi Zeus
''Bertuzzi Zeus Series
''Beschi Boxlock Model
''Big Bear Arms IJ''39
''Big Bear Arms Sterling Series
''Big Bear IJ''27
''Blaser F3 Series
''Bosis Challenger Titanium
''Bosis Laura
''Bosis Michaelangelo
''Bosis Wild Series
''Boss Custom Over/Under Shotguns
''Boss Merlin
''Boss Pendragon
''Breda Pegaso Series
''Breda Sirio Standard
''Breda Vega Series
''Bretton Baby Standard
''Bretton Sprint Deluxe
''BRNO 500/501
''BRNO 502
''BRNO 801 Series
''BRNO 802 Series
''BRNO BS''571
''BRNO BS''572
''BRNO ZH''300
''BRNO ZH''301
''BRNO ZH''302
''BRNO ZH''303
''Browning 325 Sporting Clays
''Browning 625 Series
''Browning 725 Series
''Browning B''25 Series
''Browning B''26 Series
''Browning B''27 Series
''Browning B''125 Custom Shop Series
''Browning Citori 525 Series
''Browning Citori GTI Sporting Clays
''Browning Citori Lightning Series
''Browning Citori O/U Shotgun
''Browning Citori O/U Skeet Models
''Browning Citori O/U Trap Models
''Browning Citori Plus Trap Combo
''Browning Citori Plus Trap Gun
''Browning Cynergy Series
''Browning Diana Grade
''Browning Lightning Sporting Clays
''Browning Micro Citori Lightning
''Browning Midas Grade
''Browning Special Sporting Clays
''Browning Sporter Model
''Browning ST''100
''Browning Superlight Citori Over/Under
''Browning Superlight Citori Series
''Browning Superlight Feather
''Browning Superposed Pigeon Grade
''Browning Superposed Standard
''BSA Falcon
''BSA O/U
''BSA Silver Eagle
''Cabela's Volo
''Caprinus Sweden Model
''Centurion Over/Under Shotgun
''Century Arms Arthemis
''Chapuis Over/Under Shotgun
''Charles Daly Country Squire Model
''Charles Daly Deluxe Model
''Charles Daly Diamond Series
''Charles Daly Empire Series
''Charles Daly Field Grade O/U
''Charles Daly Lux Over/Under
''Charles Daly Maxi-Mag
''Charles Daly Model 105
''Charles Daly Model 106
''Charles Daly Model 206
''Charles Daly Over/Under Shotguns, Japanese Manufactured
''Charles Daly Over/Under Shotguns, Prussian Manufactured
''Charles Daly Presentation Model
''Charles Daly Sporting Clays Model
''Charles Daly Superior Model
''Charles Daly UL
''Churchill Imperial Model
''Churchill Monarch
''Churchill Premiere Model
''Churchill Regent Trap and Skeet
''Churchill Regent V
''Churchill Sporting Clays
''Churchill Windsor III
''Churchill Windsor IV
''Classic Doubles Model 101 Series
''Cogswell & Harrison Woodward Type
''Connecticut Shotgun Company A. Galazan Model
''Connecticut Shotgun Company A''10 American
''Connecticut Valley Classics Classic Field Waterfowler
''Connecticut Valley Classics Classic Sporter O/U
''Continental Arms Centaure Series
''Cortona Over/Under Shotguns
''CZ 581 Solo
''CZ Canvasback 103D
''CZ Limited Edition
''CZ Mallard 104A
''CZ Redhead Deluxe 103FE
''CZ Sporting
''CZ Super Scroll Limited Edition
''CZ Upland Ultralight
''CZ Wingshooter
''Dakin Arms Model 170
''Darne SB1
''Darne SB2
''Darne SB3
''Depar ATAK
''Doumoulin Superposed Express
''Ducks Unlimited Dinner Guns/Guns of the Year, Over/Under Models
''Dumoulin Boss Royal Superposed
''E.A.A. Falcon
''E.A.A. Scirocco Series
''E.A.A./Sabatti Falcon-Mon Over/Under
''E.A.A./Sabatti Sporting Clays Pro-Gold O/U
''ERA Over/Under
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Aries
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Castrone
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Dove Gun
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Excaliber Series
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Jorema
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Leonardo
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Pegasus
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Posiden
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Quail Gun
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Royal
''Famars di Abbiatico & Salvinelli Royale
''Fausti Boutique Series
''Fausti Caledon Series
''Fausti Class Series
''Ferlib Boss Model
''Finnclassic 512 Series
''Franchi 2004 Trap
''Franchi 2005 Combination Trap
''Franchi Alcione Series
''Franchi Aristocrat Series
''Franchi Black Majic
''Franchi Falconet Series
''Franchi Instict Series
''Franchi Model 2003 Trap
''Franchi Renaissance Series
''Franchi Sporting 2000
''Franchi Undergun Model 3000
''Franchi Veloce Series
''Galef Golden Snipe
''Galef Silver Snipe
''Golden Eagle Model 5000 Series
''Griffon & Howe Black Ram
''Griffon & Howe Broadway
''Griffon & Howe Claremont
''Griffon & Howe Madison
''Griffon & Howe Silver Ram
''Griffon & Howe Superbrite
''Guerini Apex Series
''Guerini Challenger Sporting
''Guerini Ellipse Evo
''Guerini Ellipse Evolution Sporting
''Guerini Ellipse Limited
''Guerini Essex Field
''Guerini Flyaway
''Guerini Forum Series
''Guerini Magnus Series
''Guerini Maxum Series
''Guerini Summit Series
''Guerini Tempio
''Guerini Woodlander
''H&R Harrich #1
''H&R Model 1212
''H&R Model 1212WF
''H&R Pinnacle
''Hatfields Hatfield Model 1 of 100
''Heym Model 55 F
''Heym Model 55 SS
''Heym Model 200
''Holland & Holland Royal Series
''Holland & Holland Sporting Model
''IGA 2000 Series
''IGA Hunter Series
''IGA Trap Series
''IGA Turkey Series
''IGA Waterfowl Series
''K.F.C. E''2 Trap/Skeet
''K.F.C. Field Gun
''Kassnar Grade I O/U Shotgun
''KDF Condor Khan Arthemis Field/Deluxe
''Kimber Augusta Series
''Kimber Marias Series
''Krieghoff K''80 Four-Barrel Skeet Set
''Krieghoff K''80 International Skeet
''Krieghoff K''80 O/U Trap Shotgun
''Krieghoff K''80 Skeet Shotgun
''Krieghoff K''80 Sporting Clays O/U
''Krieghoff K''80/RT Shotguns
''Krieghoff Model 20 Sporting/Field
''Krieghoff Model 32 Series
''Lames Field Model
''Lames Skeet Model
''Lames Standard Model
''Lames California Model
''Laurona Model 67
''Laurona Model 82 Series
''Laurona Model 83 Series
''Laurona Model 84 Series
''Laurona Model 85 Series
''Laurona Model 300 Series
''Laurona Silhouette 300 Sporting Clays
''Laurona Silhouette 300 Trap
''Laurona Super Model Over/Unders
''Lebeau Baron Series
''Lebeau Boss Verres
''Lebeau Boxlock with sideplates
''Lebeau Sidelock
''Lebeau Versailles
''Lippard Custom Over/Under Shotguns
''Ljutic LM''6 Deluxe O/U Shotgun
''Longthorne Hesketh Game Gun
''Longthorne Sporter
''Marlin Model 90
''Marocchi Avanza O/U Shotgun
''Marocchi Conquista Over/Under Shotgun
''Marocchi Conquista Series
''Marocchi Model 100
''Marocchi Model 99
''Maverick HS''12 Tactical
''Maverick Hunter Field Model
''McMillan Over/Under Sidelock
''Merkel 201 Series
''Merkel 2016 Series
''Merkel 2116 EL Sidelock
''Merkel 303EL Luxus
''Merkel Model 100
''Merkel Model 101
''Merkel Model 101E
''Merkel Model 200E O/U Shotgun
''Merkel Model 200E Skeet, Trap Over/Unders
''Merkel Model 200SC Sporting Clays
''Merkel Model 203E, 303E Over/Under Shotguns
''Merkel Model 204E
''Merkel Model 210
''Merkel Model 301
''Merkel Model 302
''Merkel Model 304E
''Merkel Model 310E
''Merkel Model 400
''Merkel Model 400E
''Merkel Model 2000 Series
''Mossberg Onyx Reserve Field
''Mossberg Onyx Reserve Sporting
''Mossberg Silver Reserve Field
''Mossberg Silver Reserve Series
''Mossberg Silver Reserve Sporting
''Norinco Type HL12''203
''Omega Standard Over/Under Model
''Orvis Field
''Orvis Knockabout
''Orvis Premier Grade
''Orvis SKB Green Mountain Uplander
''Orvis Sporting Clays
''Orvis Super Field
''Orvis Uplander
''Orvis Waterfowler
''Pederson Model 1000 Series
''Pederson Model 1500 Series
''Perazzi Boxlock Action Hunting
''Perazzi Competition Series
''Perazzi Electrocibles
''Perazzi Granditalia
''Perazzi Mirage Special Four-Gauge Skeet
''Perazzi Mirage Special Skeet Over/Under
''Perazzi Mirage Special Sporting O/U
''Perazzi MS80
''Perazzi MT''6
''Perazzi MX1/MX2
''Perazzi MX3
''Perazzi MX4
''Perazzi MX5
''Perazzi MX6
''Perazzi MX7 Over/Under Shotguns
''Perazzi MX8/20 Over/Under Shotgun
''Perazzi MX8/MX8 Special Trap, Skeet
''Perazzi MX9 Single Over/Under Shotguns
''Perazzi MX10
''Perazzi MX11
''Perazzi MX12 Hunting Over/Under
''Perazzi MX14
''Perazzi MX16
''Perazzi MX20 Hunting Over/Under
''Perazzi MX28, MX410 Game O/U Shotguns
''Perazzi MX2000
''Perazzi MX2005
''Perazzi MX2008
''Perazzi Sidelock Action Hunting
''Perazzi Sporting Classic O/U
''Perugini Maestro Series
''Perugini Michelangelo
''Perugini Nova Boss
''Pietro Zanoletti Model 2000 Field O/U
''Piotti Boss Over/Under Shotgun
''Pointer Italian Model
''Pointer Turkish Model
''Remington 396 Series
''Remington 3200 Series
''Remington Model 32 Series
''Remington Model 300 Ideal
''Remington Model 332 Series
''Remington Model SPR310
''Remington Model SPR310N
''Remington Model SPR310S
''Remington Peerless Over/Under Shotgun
''Remington Premier Field
''Remington Premier Ruffed Grouse
''Remington Premier Series
''Remington Premier STS Competition
''Remington Premier Upland
''Richland Arms Model 41
''Richland Arms Model 747
''Richland Arms Model 757
''Richland Arms Model 787
''Richland Arms Model 808
''Richland Arms Model 810
''Richland Arms Model 828
''Rigby 401 Sidelock
''Rota Model 650
''Rota Model 72 Series
''Royal American Model 100
''Ruger Red Label O/U Shotgun
''Ruger Sporting Clays O/U Shotgun
''Ruger Woodside Shotgun
''Rutten Model RM 100
''Rutten Model RM285
''S.I.A.C.E. Evolution
''S.I.A.C.E. Model 66C
''S.I.A.C.E. 600T Lusso EL
''San Marco 10-Ga. O/U Shotgun
''San Marco 12-Ga. Wildflower Shotgun
''San Marco Field Special O/U Shotgun
''Sauer Model 66 Series
''Savage Model 242
''Savage Model 420/430
''Sig Sauer Aurora Series
''Sig Sauer SA''3
''Sig Sauer SA''5
''Silma Model 70 Series
''SKB Model 85 Series
''SKB Model 500 Series
''SKB Model 505 Deluxe Over/Under Shotgun
''SKB Model 505 Series
''SKB Model 600 Series
''SKB Model 605 Series
''SKB Model 680 Series
''SKB Model 685 Over/Under Shotgun
''SKB Model 685 Series
''SKB Model 700 Series
''SKB Model 785 Series
''SKB Model 800 Series
''SKB Model 880 Series
''SKB Model 885 Over/Under Trap, Skeet, Sporting Clays
''SKB Model 885 Series
''SKB Model 5600 Series
''SKB Model 5700 Series
''SKB Model 5800 Series
''SKB Model GC''7 Series
''Spartan SPR310/320
''Stevens Model 240
''Stevens Model 512
''Stoeger/IGA Condor I O/U Shotgun
''Stoeger/IGA ERA 2000 Over/Under Shotgun
''Techni-Mec Model 610 Over/Under
''Tikka Model 412S Field Grade Over/Under
''Traditions 350 Series Traditions Classic Field Series
''Traditions Classic Upland Series
''Traditions Gold Wing Series
''Traditions Real 16 Series
''Tri Star Model 330 Series
''Tri-Star Hunter EX
''Tri-Star Model 300
''Tri-Star Model 333 Series
''Tri-Star Setter Model
''Tri-Star Silver Series
''Tri-Star Sporting Model
''TULA 120
''TULA 200
''TULA TOZ34
''Universal 7112
''Universal 7312
''Universal 7412
''Universal 7712
''Universal 7812
''Universal 7912
''Verona 501 Series
''Verona 680 Series
''Verona 702 Series
''Verona LX692 Series
''Verona LX980 Series
''Weatherby Athena Grade IV O/U Shotguns
''Weatherby Athena Grade V Classic Field O/U
''Weatherby Athena Series
''Weatherby Classic Field Models
''Weatherby II, III Classic Field O/Us
''Weatherby Orion II Classic Sporting Clays O/U
''Weatherby Orion II series
''Weatherby Orion II Sporting Clays O/U
''Weatherby Orion III Series
''Weatherby Orion O/U Shotguns
''Winchester Model 91
''Winchester Model 96
''Winchester Model 99
''Winchester Model 101 All Models and Grades
''Winchester Model 1001 O/U Shotgun
''Winchester Model 1001 Series
''Winchester Model 1001 Sporting Clays O/U
''Winchester Model G5500
''Winchester Model G6500
''Winchester Select Series
''Zoli Condor
''Zoli Deluxe Model
''Zoli Dove
''Zoli Field Special
''Zoli Pigeon Model
''Zoli Silver Snipe
''Zoli Snipe
''Zoli Special Model
''Zoli Target Series
''Zoli Texas
''Zoli Z Series
''Zoli Z''90 Series
''Zoli Z-Sport Series
''Armas Azor Sidelock Model
''ADCO Sales Diamond Series Shotguns
''American Arms Brittany Shotgun
''American Arms Derby Side-by-Side
''American Arms Gentry Double Shotgun
''American Arms Grulla #2 Double Shotgun
''American Arms TS/SS 10 Double Shotgun
''American Arms TS/SS 12 Side-by-Side
''American Arms WS/SS 10
''Arizaga Model 31 Double Shotgun
''Armes de Chasse Sidelock and Boxlock Shotguns
''Armsport 1050 Series Double Shotguns
''Arrieta Sidelock Double Shotguns
''Auguste Francotte Boxlock Shotgun
''Auguste Francotte Sidelock Shotgun
''AYA Boxlock Shotguns
''AYA Sidelock Double Shotguns
''Baikal IZH''43 Series Shotguns
''Baikal MP210 Series Shotguns
''Baikal MP213 Series Shotguns
''Baikal MP220 Series Shotguns
''Baker Gun Sidelock Models
''Baltimore Arms Co. Style 1
''Baltimore Arms Co. Style 2
''Bayard Boxlock and Sidelock Model Shotguns
''Beretta 450 series Shotguns
''Beretta 451 Series Shotguns
''Beretta 452 Series Shotguns
''Beretta 470 Series Shotguns
''Beretta Custom Grade Shotguns
''Beretta Francia Standard
''Beretta Imperiale Montecarlo
''Beretta Model 452 Sidelock Shotgun
''Beretta Omega Standard
''Beretta Side-by-Side Field Shotguns
''Beretta Verona/Bergamo
''Bertuzzi Ariete Hammer Gun
''Bertuzzi Model Orione
''Bertuzzi Venere Series Shotguns
''Beschi Sidelock and Boxlock Models
''Bill Hanus Birdgun Doubles
''Bosis Country SxS
''Bosis Hammer Gun
''Bosis Queen Sidelock
''Boss Robertson SxS
''Boss SxS
''Boswell Boxlock Model
''Boswell Feartherweight Monarch Grade
''Boswell Merlin Sidelock
''Boswell Sidelock Model
''Breda Andromeda Special
''BRNO ZP Series Shotguns
''Brown SxS Shotgun
''Browning B''SS
''Browning B''SS Belgian/Japanese Prototype
''Browning B''SS Sidelock
''Browning B''SS Sporter
''Bruchet Model A
''Bruchet Model B
''BSA Classic
''BSA Royal
''Cabela's ATA Grade II Custom
''Cabela's Hemingway Model
''Casartelli Sidelock Model
''Century Coach SxS
''Chapuis RGP Series Shotguns
''Chapuis RP Series Shotguns
''Chapuis Side-by-Side Shotgun
''Chapuis UGP Round Design SxS
''Charles Daly 1974 Wildlife Commemorative
''Charles Daly Classic Coach Gun
''Charles Daly Diamond SxS
''Charles Daly Empire SxS
''Charles Daly Model 306
''Charles Daly Model 500
''Charles Daly Model Dss Double
''Charles Daly Superior SxS
''Churchill Continental Series Shotguns
''Churchill Crown Model
''Churchill Field Model
''Churchill Hercules Model
''Churchill Imperial Model
''Churchill Premiere Series Shotguns
''Churchill Regal Model
''Churchill Royal Model
''Churchill Windsor Series Shotguns
''Cimarron Coach Guns
''Classic Doubles Model 201
''Classic Clot 1878 Hammer Shotgun
''Cogswell & Harrison Sidelock and Boxlock Shotguns
''Colt 1883 Hammerless
''Colt SxS Shotgun
''Connecticut Shotgun Co. Model 21
''Connecticut Shotgun Co. RBL Series
''Continental Arms Centaure
''Crescent SxS Model
''Crucelegui Hermanos Model 150 Double
''CZ Amarillo
''CZ Bobwhite
''CZ Competition
''CZ Deluxe
''CZ Durango
''CZ Grouse
''CZ Hammer Models
''CZ Partridge
''CZ Ringneck
''CZ Ringneck Target
''Dakin Model 100
''Dakin Model 147
''Dakin Model 160
''Dakin Model 215
''Dakota American Legend
''Dakota Classic Grade
''Dakota Classic Grade II
''Dakota Classic Grade III
''Dakota Premier Grade
''Dan Arms Deluxe Field Model
''Dan Arms Field Model
''Darne Sliding Breech Series Shotguns
''Davidson Arms Model 63B
''Davidson Arms Model 69SL
''Davidson Arms Model 73 Stagecoach
''Dumoulin Continental Model
''Dumoulin Etendard Model
''Dumoulin Europa Model
''Dumoulin Liege Model
''E.A.A. SABA
''E.A.A./Sabatti Saba-Mon Double Shotgun
''E.M.F. Model 1878 SxS
''E.M.F. Stagecoach SxS Model
''ERA Quail SxS
''ERA Riot SxS
''ERA SxS
''Famars Boxlock Models
''Famars Castore
''Famars Sidelock Models
''Fausti Caledon
''Fausti Class
''Fausti Class Round Body
''Fausti DEA Series Shotguns
''Ferlib Mignon Hammer Model
''Ferlib Model F VII Double Shotgun
''FN Anson SxS Standard Grade
''FN New Anson SxS Standard Grade
''FN Sidelock Standard Grade
''Fox Higher Grade Models (A''F)
''Fox Sterlingworth Series
''Franchi Airone
''Franchi Astore Series
''Franchi Destino
''Franchi Highlander
''Franchi Sidelock Double Barrel
''Francotte Boxlock Shotgun
''Francotte Jubilee Model
''Francotte Sidelock Shotgun
''Galef Silver Hawk SxS
''Galef Zabala SxS
''Garbi Model 100
''Garbi Model 101 Side-by-Side
''Garbi Model 103A, B Side-by-Side
''Garbi Model 200 Side-by-Side
''Gastinne Model 105
''Gastinne Model 202
''Gastinne Model 353
''Gastinne Model 98
''Gib 10 Gauge Magnum
''Gil Alhambra
''Gil Diamond
''Gil Laga
''Gil Olimpia
''Greener Sidelock SxS Shotguns
''Griffin & Howe Britte
''Griffin & Howe Continental Sidelock
''Griffin & Howe Round Body Game Gun
''Griffin & Howe Traditional Game Gun
''Grulla 217 Series
''Grulla 219 Series
''Grulla Consort
''Grulla Model 209 Holland
''Grulla Model 215
''Grulla Model 216 Series
''Grulla Number 1
''Grulla Royal
''Grulla Super MH
''Grulla Supreme
''Grulla Windsor
''H&R Anson & Deeley SxS
''H&R Model 404
''H&R Small Bore SxS Hammer Gun
''Hatfield Uplander Shotgun
''Henry Atkin Boxlock Model
''Henry Atkin Sidelock Model
''Holland & Holland Cavalier Boxlock
''Holland & Holland Dominion Game Gun
''Holland & Holland Northwood Boxlock
''Holland & Holland Round Action Sidelock
''Holland & Holland Round Action Sidelock Paradox
''Holland & Holland Royal Hammerless Ejector Sidelock
''Holland & Holland Sidelock Shotguns
''Holloway premier Sidelock SxS Model
''Hopkins & Allen Boxlock and Sidelock Models
''Huglu SxS Shotguns
''Husqvarna SxS Shotguns
''IGA Deluxe Model
''IGA Turkey Series Model
''Interstate Arms Model 99 Coach Gun
''Ithaca Classic Doubles Series Shotguns
''Ithaca Hammerless Series
''Iver Johnson Hammerless Model Shotguns
''Jeffery Boxlock Shotguns
''Jeffery Sidelock Shotguns
''K.B.I. Grade II SxS
''Khan Coach Gun
''Kimber Valier Series
''Krieghoff Essencia Boxlock
''Krieghoff Essencia Sidelock
''Lanber Imperial Sidelock
''Laurona Boxlock Models
''Laurona Sidelock Models
''Lefever Grade A Field Model
''Lefever Grade A Skeet Model
''Lefever New
''Lefever Model
''Lefever Nitro Special
''Lefever Sideplate Models
''Leforgeron Boxlock Ejector
''Leforgeron Sidelock Ejector
''Liberty Coach Gun Series
''MacNaughton Sidelock Model
''Malin Boxlock Model
''Malin Sidelock Model
''Masquelier Boxlock Model
''Masquelier Sidelock Model
''Medwell SxS Sidelock
''Merkel Model 8, 47E Side-by-Side Shotguns
''Merkel Model 47LSC Sporting Clays Double
''Merkel Model 47S, 147S Side-by-Sides
''Merkel Model 76E
''Merkel Model 122E
''Merkel Model 126E
''Merkel Model 280 Series
''Merkel Model 360 Series
''Merkel Model 447SL
''Merkel Model 1620 Series
''Merkel Model 1622 Series
''Mossberg Onyx Reserve Sporting
''Mossberg Silver Reserve Field
''Navy Arms Model 100
''Navy Arms Model 150
''Orvis Custom Uplander
''Orvis Field Grade
''Orvis Fine Grade
''Orvis Rounded Action
''Orvis Waterfowler
''Parker Fluid Steel Barrel Models (All Grades)
''Parker Reproductions Side-by-Side
''Pederson Model 200
''Pederson Model 2500
''Perazzi DHO Models
''Perugini Ausonia
''Perugini Classic Model
''Perugini Liberty
''Perugini Regina Model
''Perugini Romagna Gun
''Piotti Hammer Gun
''Piotti King Extra Side-by-Side
''Piotti King No. 1 Side-by-Side Piotti Lunik Side-by-Side
''Piotti Monaco Series
''Piotti Monte Carlo
''Piotti Piuma Side-by-Side
''Piotti Westlake
''Precision Sports Model 600 Series Doubles
''Premier Italian made SxS Shotguns
''Premier Spanish made SxS Shotguns
''Purdy Best Quality Game Gun
''Remington Model 1900 Hammerless
''Remington Model SPR210
''Remington Model SPR220
''Remington Model SPR220 Cowboy
''Remington Premier SxS
''Richland Arms Co. Italian made SxS Models
''Richland Arms Co. Spanish made SxS Models
''Rigby Boxlock Shotgun
''Rigby Hammer Shotgun
''Rizzini Boxlock Side-by-Side
''Rizzini Sidelock Side-by-Side
''Rossi Overlund
''Rossi Squire
''Rota Model 105
''Rota Model 106
''Rota Model 411 Series
''Royal American Model 600 Boxlock
''Royal American Model 800 Sidelock
''Ruger Gold Label
''SAE Model 209E
''SAE Model 210S
''SAE Model 340X
''Sarasqueta Mammerless Sidelock
''Sarasqueta Model 3 Boxlock
''Sauer Boxlock Model Shotguns
''Sauer Sidelock Model Shotguns
''Savage Fox Model FA''1
''Savage Model 550
''Scott Blenheim
''Scott Bowood
''Scott Chatsworth
''Scott Kinmount
''SIACE Italian made SxS Shotguns
''SKB Model 100
''SKB Model 150
''SKB Model 200
''SKB Model 280
''SKB Model 300
''SKB Model 385
''SKB Model 400
''SKB Model 480
''SKB Model 485
''Smith & Wesson Elite Gold Series Grade I
''Smith & Wesson Elite Silver Grade I
''Smith, L.C. Boxlock Hammerless Shotguns
''Smith, L.C. Sidelock Hammerless Shotguns
''Spartan SPR Series Shotguns
''Stevens Model 311/315 Series
''Stoeger/IGA Uplander Side-by-Side Shotgun
''Taylor's SxS Model
''Tri-Star Model 311
''Tri-Star Model 411 Series
''Ugartechea 10-Ga. Magnum Shotgun
''Universal Double Wing SxS
''Vouzelaud Model 315 Series
''Walther Model WSF
''Walther Model WSFD
''Weatherby Atheana
''Weatherby D'Italia Series
''Weatherby Orion
''Westley Richards Best Quality Sidelock
''Westley Richards Boxlock Shotguns
''Westley Richards Connaught Model
''Westley Richards Hand Detachable Lock Model
''William Douglas Boxlock
''Winchester Model 21
''Winchester Model 24
''Zoli Alley Cleaner
''Zoli Classic
''Zoli Falcon II
''Zoli Model Quail Special
''Zoli Pheasant
''Zoli Silver Hawk
''Zoli Silver Snipe
''ADCC Diamond Folding Model
''American Arms Single-Shot
''ARMSCOR 301A
''Armsport Single Barrel Shotgun
''Baikal MP18
''Beretta 471 EL Silver Hawk
''Beretta 471 Silver Hawk
''Beretta Beta Single Barrel
''Beretta MKII Trap
''Beretta Model 412
''Beretta Model FS
''Beretta TR''1
''Beretta TR''1 Trap
''Beretta Vandalia Special Trap
''Browning BT''99 Competition Trap Special
''Browning BT''99 Plus Micro
''Browning BT''99 Plus Trap Gun
''Browning Micro Recoilless Trap Shotgun
''Browning Recoilless Trap Shotgun
''Crescent Single Shot Models
''CZ Cottontail
''Desert Industries Big Twenty Shotgun
''Fefever Long Range Field
''Frigon FS''4
''Frigon FT''1
''Frigon FT''C
''Gibbs Midland Stalker
''Greener General Purpose GP MKI/MKII
''H&R Survivor
''H&R Tracker Slug Model
''Harrington & Richardson N.W.T.F. Turkey Mag
''Harrington & Richardson Pardner
''Harrington & Richardson Pardner Compact
''Harrington & Richardson Pardner Compact Turkey Gun
''Harrington & Richardson Pardner Screw-In Choke
''Harrington & Richardson Pardner Turkey Gun
''Harrington & Richardson Pardner Turkey Gun Camo
''Harrington & Richardson Pardner Waterfowl
''Harrington & Richardson Tamer
''Harrington & Richardson Tamer 20
''Harrington & Richardson Topper Classic Youth Shotgun
''Harrington & Richardson Topper Deluxe Classic
''Harrington & Richardson Topper Deluxe Model 098
''Harrington & Richardson Topper Junior
''Harrington & Richardson Topper Model 098
''Harrington & Richardson Topper Trap Gun
''Harrington & Richardson Tracker II Slug Gun
''Harrington & Richardson Ultra Slug Hunter
''Harrington & Richardson Ultra Slug Hunter Compact
''Harrington & Richardson Ultra Slug Hunter Deluxe
''Harrington & Richardson Ultra Slug Hunter Thumbhole Stock
''Harrington & Richardson Ultra-Lite Slug Hunter
''Hi-Standard 514 Model
''Holland & Holland Single Barrel Trap
''IGA Reuna Model
''IGA Single Barrel Classic
''Ithaca Model 66
''Ithaca Single Barrel Trap
''Iver Johnson Champion Series
''Iver Johnson Commemorative Series Single Shot Shotgun
''Iver Johnson Excel
''Krieghoff K''80 Single Barrel Trap Gun
''Krieghoff KS''5 Special
''Krieghoff KS''5 Trap Gun
''Lefever Trap Gun
''Ljutic LTX Super Deluxe Mono Gun
''Ljutic Mono Gun Single Barrel
''Ljutic Recoilless Space Gun Shotgun
''Marlin Model 55 Goose Gun Bolt Action
''Marlin Model 60 Single Shot
''Marocchi Model 2000
''Mossberg Models G''4, 70, 73, 73B
''Mossberg Models 75 Series
''Mossberg Models 80, 83, 83B, 83D
''Mossberg 173 Series
''Mossberg Model 183 Series
''Mossberg Model 185 Series
''Mossberg Model 190 Series
''Mossberg Model 195 Series
''Mossberg Model 385 Series
''Mossberg Model 390 Series
''Mossberg Model 395 Series
''Mossberg Model 595 Series
''Mossberg Model 695 Series
''New England Firearms N.W.T.F. Shotgun
''New England Firearms Standard Pardner
''New England Firearms Survival Gun
''New England Firearms Tracker Slug Gun
''New England Firearms Turkey and Goose Gun
''Parker Single Barrel Trap Models
''Perazzi TM1 Special Single Trap
''Remington 90''T Super Single Shotgun
''Remington Model No. 9
''Remington Model 310 Skeet
''Remington Model No. 3
''Rossi Circuit Judge Lever Action Shotgun
''Rossi Circuit Judge Shotgun
''Ruger Single Barrel Trap
''S.W.D. Terminator
''Savage Kimel Kamper Single Shot
''Savage Model 210F Slug Warrior
''Savage Model 212 Slug Gun
''Savage Model 220 Series
''Savage Model 220 Slug Gun
''SEITZ Single Barrel Trap
''SKB Century II Trap
''SKB Century Trap
''SKB Model 505 Trap
''SKB Model 605 Trap
''Smith, L.C. Single Barrel Trap Models
''Snake Charmer II Shotgun
''Stoeger/IGA Reuna Single Barrel Shotgun
''Tangfolio Model RSG''16
''Tangfolio Blockcard Model
''Tangfolio Model DSG
''Tangfolio Model RSG''12 Series
''Tangfolio Model RSG''20
''Tangfolio RSG-Tactical
''Taurus Circuit Judge Shotgun
''Thompson/Center Encore Shotgun
''Thompson/Center Pro Hunter Turkey Shotgun
''Thompson/Center TCR '87 Hunter Shotgun
''Universal Firearms Model 7212 Single Barrel Trap
''Winchester Model 36 Single Shot
''Winchester Model 37 Single Shot
''Winchester Model 41 Bolt Action
''Winchester Model 9410 Series
''Zoli Apache Model
''Zoli Diano Series
''Zoli Loner Series''.
Section 924(a)(1)(B) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by striking ''or (q) of section 922'' and inserting ''(q), (r), (v), (w), or (aa) of section 922''.
SEC. 514. Use of Byrne grants for buy-back programs for semiautomatic assault weapons and large capacity ammunition feeding devices .
Section 501(a)(1) of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (42 U.S.C. 3751(a)(1)) is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(H) Compensation for surrendered semiautomatic assault weapons and large capacity ammunition feeding devices, as those terms are defined in section 921 of title 18, United States Code, under buy-back programs for semiautomatic assault weapons and large capacity ammunition feeding devices.''.
SEC. 515. Ban on untraceable and undetectable firearms .
(a) Requirement that all firearms be traceable .'--
(1) D EFINITIONS.'--Section 921(a) of title 18, United States Code, as amended by this Act, is amended'--
(A) in paragraph (3)'--
(i) by inserting '', including an unfinished frame or receiver'' after ''such weapon''; and
(ii) by striking ''or (D) any destructive device'' and inserting ''; (D) any destructive device; or (E) any combination of parts designed or intended for use in converting any device into a firearm and from which a firearm may be readily assembled'';
(B) in paragraph (10), by adding at the end the following: ''The term 'manufacturing firearms' includes assembling a functional firearm from a frame or receiver or molding, machining, or 3D printing a frame or receiver, and does not include making or fitting special barrels, stocks, or trigger mechanisms to firearms.''; and
(C) by inserting after paragraph (50) the following:
''(51) The term 'frame or receiver''--
''(A) means the part of a firearm that can provide the action or housing for the hammer, bolt, or breechblock and firing mechanism;
''(B) includes a frame or lower receiver blank, casting, or machined body that requires further machining or molding to be used as part of a functional firearm, and which is designed and intended to be used in the assembly of a functional firearm; and
''(C) does not include a piece of material that has had'--
''(i) its size or external shape altered solely to facilitate transportation or storage; or
''(ii) solely its chemical composition altered.
''(52) The term 'ghost gun''--
''(A) means a firearm, including a frame or receiver, that lacks a unique serial number engraved or cast in metal or metal alloy on the frame or receiver by a licensed manufacturer or importer in accordance with this chapter; and
''(B) does not include a firearm that has been rendered permanently inoperable.''.
(2) P ROHIBITION; REQUIREMENTS.'--Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:''(aa) Untraceable firearms .'--
''(1) M ANUFACTURE, SALE, OFFER TO SELL, TRANSFER, PURCHASE, OR RECEIPT OF GHOST GUNS.'--
''(A) I N GENERAL.'--Except as provided in subparagraph (B), it shall be unlawful for any person to manufacture, sell, offer to sell, transfer, purchase, or receive a ghost gun in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce.
''(B) E XCEPTIONS.'--Subparagraph (A) shall not apply to'--
''(i) the manufacture of a firearm by a licensed manufacturer if the licensed manufacturer complies with section 923(i) before selling or transferring the firearm to another person;
''(ii) the offer to sell, sale, or transfer of a firearm to, or purchase or receipt of a firearm by, a licensed manufacturer or importer before the date that is 1 year after the date of enactment of this subsection; or
''(iii) a transaction between a licensed manufacturer and a licensed importer on any date.
''(2) S ERIAL NUMBERS.'--It shall be unlawful for a person other than a licensed manufacturer or importer to engrave or cast a serial number on a firearm in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce.
''(3) P OSSESSION OF GHOST GUN WITH INTENT TO SELL, TRANSFER, OR MANUFACTURE.'--Beginning on the date that is 1 year after the date of enactment of this subsection, it shall be unlawful for any person other than a licensed manufacturer or importer to possess a ghost gun in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce with the intent to'--
''(A) sell or transfer the ghost gun with or without further manufacturing; or
''(B) manufacture a firearm with the ghost gun.''.
(3) R EQUIREMENTS.'--Section 923(i) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following: ''The serial number shall be engraved or cast in metal or metal alloy and sufficient to identify the firearm and the manufacturer or importer that put the serial number on the firearm.''.
(4) P ENALTIES.'--Section 924 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by this Act, is amended'--
(A) in subsection (a)(1)(B), by striking ''or (w)'' and inserting ''(w), or (aa)''; and
(B) in subsection (d)(1), by striking ''or (k)'' and inserting ''(k), or (aa)''.
(b) Modernization of the prohibition on undetectable firearms .'--Section 922(p) of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) in the matter preceding paragraph (1), by striking ''any firearm'';
(2) in paragraph (1)'--
(A) by striking subparagraph (A) and inserting the following:
''(A) an undetectable firearm; or''; and
(B) in subparagraph (B), by striking ''any major component of which, when subjected to inspection by the types of x-ray machines commonly used at airports, does not generate'' and inserting the following: ''a major component of a firearm which, if subjected to inspection by the types of detection devices commonly used at airports for security screening, would not generate'';
(3) by striking paragraph (2) and inserting the following:
''(2) For purposes of this subsection'--
''(A) the term 'detectable material' means any material that creates a magnetic field equivalent to or more than 3.7 ounces of 17''4 pH stainless steel;
''(B) the term 'major component', with respect to a firearm'--
''(i) means the slide or cylinder or the frame or receiver of the firearm; and
''(ii) in the case of a rifle or shotgun, includes the barrel of the firearm; and
''(C) the term 'undetectable firearm' means a firearm, as defined in section 921(a)(3)(A), of which no major component is wholly made of detectable material;'';
(4) in paragraph (3)'--
(A) in the first sentence, by inserting '', including a prototype,'' after ''of a firearm''; and
(B) by striking the second sentence; and
(5) in paragraph (5), by striking ''shall not apply to any firearm which'' and all that follows and inserting the following: ''shall not apply to'--
''(A) any firearm received by, in the possession of, or under the control of the United States; or
''(B) the manufacture, importation, possession, transfer, receipt, shipment, or delivery of a firearm by a licensed manufacturer or licensed importer pursuant to a contract with the United States.''.
SEC. 516. Prohibition on possession of certain firearm accessories .
Chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) in section 922, as amended by section 515 of this Act, by adding at the end the following: ''(bb) (1) Except as provided in paragraph (2), on and after the date that is 90 days after the date of enactment of this subsection, it shall be unlawful for any person to import, sell, manufacture, transfer, or possess, in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce, a trigger crank, a bump-fire device, or any part, combination of parts, component, device, attachment, or accessory that is designed or functions to materially accelerate the rate of fire of a semiautomatic rifle but not convert the semiautomatic rifle into a machinegun.
''(2) This subsection does not apply with respect to the importation for, manufacture for, sale to, transfer to, or possession by or under the authority of, the United States or any department or agency thereof or a State, or a department, agency, or political subdivision thereof.''; and
(2) in section 924(a)(2), by striking '', or (o)'' and inserting ''(o), or (bb)''.
Section 921(a)(3) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by striking ''(C) any firearm muffler or firearm silencer; or (D)'' and inserting ''or (C)''; and
SEC. 522. Restrictions on firearm silencers and firearm mufflers .
(a) In general .'--Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 516 of this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(cc) (1) Except as provided in paragraph (2), it shall be unlawful for a person to import, sell, manufacture, transfer, or possess, in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce, a firearm silencer or firearm muffler.
''(2) Paragraph (1) shall not apply to'--
''(A) the importation for, manufacture for, sale to, transfer to, or possession by the United States or a department or agency of the United States or a State or a department, agency, or political subdivision of a State, or a sale or transfer to or possession by a qualified law enforcement officer employed by the United States or a department or agency of the United States or a State or a department, agency, or political subdivision of a State for purposes of law enforcement (whether on or off duty), or a sale or transfer to or possession by a campus law enforcement officer for purposes of law enforcement (whether on or off duty);
''(B) the importation for, or sale or transfer to a licensee under title I of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2011 et seq.) for purposes of establishing and maintaining an on-site physical protection system and security organization required by Federal law, or possession by an employee or contractor of such licensee on site for such purposes or off site for purposes of licensee-authorized training or transportation of nuclear materials; or
''(C) the importation for, manufacture for, sale to, transfer to, or possession by a licensed manufacturer or licensed importer for the purposes of testing or experimentation authorized by the Attorney General.
''(3) For purposes of paragraph (2)(A), the term 'campus law enforcement officer' means an individual who is'--
''(A) employed by a private institution of higher education that is eligible for funding under title IV of the Higher Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 1070 et seq.);
''(B) responsible for the prevention or investigation of crime involving injury to persons or property, including apprehension or detention of persons for such crimes;
''(C) authorized by Federal, State, or local law to carry a firearm, execute search warrants, and make arrests; and
''(D) recognized, commissioned, or certified by a government entity as a law enforcement officer.''.
(b) Seizure and forfeiture of firearm silencers and firearm mufflers .'--Section 924(d) of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 512(d) of this Act, is amended'--
(1) in paragraph (1), by striking ''or (w)'' and inserting ''(w), or (cc)''; and
(2) in paragraph (3)(E), by inserting ''922(cc),'' after ''922(w),''.
Section 924(a)(1)(B) of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 513 of this Act, is amended by striking ''or (w)'' and inserting ''(w), or (cc)''.
SEC. 524. Effective date .
The amendments made by this subtitle shall take effect on the date that is 90 days after the date of enactment of this Act.
SEC. 601. Prohibition against multiple firearm sales or purchases .
(a) Prohibition .'--Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(dd) Prohibition against multiple firearm sales or purchases .'--
''(1) S ALE.'--It shall be unlawful to sell, transfer, or otherwise dispose of a firearm, in of affecting interstate or foreign commerce, to any person who is not licensed under section 923 knowing or having reasonable cause to believe that such person purchased a firearm during the 30-day period ending on the date of such sale or disposition.
''(2) P URCHASE.'--It shall be unlawful for any person who is not licensed under section 923 to purchase more than 1 firearm that has been shipped or transported in interstate or foreign commerce during any 30-day period.
''(3) E XCEPTIONS.'--Paragraphs (1) and (2) shall not apply to'--
''(A) a lawful exchange of 1 firearm for 1 firearm;
''(B) the transfer to or purchase by the United States, a department or agency of the United States, a State, or a department, agency, or political subdivision of a State, of a firearm;
''(C) the transfer to or purchase by a law enforcement officer employed by an entity referred to in subparagraph (B) of a firearm for law enforcement purposes (whether on or off duty);
''(D) the transfer to or purchase by a rail police officer employed by a rail carrier and certified or commissioned as a police officer under the laws of a State of a firearm for law enforcement purposes (whether on or off duty); or
''(E) the transfer or purchase of a firearm listed as a curio or relic by the Attorney General pursuant to section 921(a)(13).''.
(b) Penalties .'--Section 924(a)(2) of title 18, United States Code, as amended by this Act, is amended by striking ''or (cc)'' and inserting ''(cc), or (dd)''.
(c) Conforming amendments .'--Chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) in section 922(s), as so redesignated by section 201 of this Act'--
(A) in paragraph (1)(B)(ii), by striking ''(g) or (n)'' and inserting ''(g), (n), or (dd)(2)'';
(B) in paragraph (2), by striking ''(g) or (n)'' and inserting ''(g), (n), or (dd)(2)'';
(C) in paragraph (4), by striking ''(g) or (n)'' and inserting ''(g), (n), or (dd)(2)''; and
(D) in paragraph (5), by striking ''(g) or (n)'' and inserting ''(g), (n), or (dd)(2)''; and
(2) in section 925A, by striking ''(g) or (n)'' and inserting ''(g), (n), or (dd)(2)''.
(d) Eliminate multiple sales reporting requirement .'--Section 923(g) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by striking paragraph (3).
(e) Authority To issue rules and regulations .'--The Attorney General shall prescribe any rules and regulations as are necessary to ensure that the national instant criminal background check system is able to identify whether receipt of a firearm by a prospective transferee would violate section 922(dd) of title 18, United States Code, as added by this Act.
SEC. 602. Increased penalties for making knowingly false statements in connection with firearms .
Section 924(a)(3) of title 18, United States Code, is amended in the matter following subparagraph (B) by striking ''one year'' and inserting ''5 years''.
SEC. 603. Retention of records .
Section 922(s)(2) of title 18, United States Code, as so redesignated by section 201 of this Act, is amended'--
(1) in subparagraph (B), by striking ''; and'' and inserting a period; and
(2) by striking subparagraph (C).
SEC. 604. Revised definition .
Section 921(a)(21)(C) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by inserting '', except that such term shall include any person who transfers more than 1 firearm in any 30-day period to a person who is not a licensed dealer'' before the semicolon.
SEC. 605. Firearms trafficking .
(a) In general .'--Chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 402 of this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:
'' § 934. Trafficking in firearms
''(a) Offenses .'--It shall be unlawful for any person, regardless of whether anything of value is exchanged'--
''(1) to ship, transport, transfer, or otherwise dispose to a person, 2 or more firearms in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce, if the transferor knows or has reasonable cause to believe that such shipping, transportation, transfer, or disposition of the firearm would be in violation of, or would result in a violation of any Federal, State, or local law punishable by a term of imprisonment exceeding 1 year;
''(2) to receive from a person, 2 or more firearms in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce, if the recipient knows or has reasonable cause to believe that such receipt would be in violation of, or would result in a violation of any Federal, State, or local law punishable by a term of imprisonment exceeding 1 year;
''(3) to make a statement to a licensed importer, licensed manufacturer, or licensed dealer relating to the purchase, receipt, or acquisition from a licensed importer, licensed manufacturer, or licensed dealer of 2 or more firearms that have moved in or affected interstate or foreign commerce that'--
''(A) is material to'--
''(i) the identity of the actual buyer of the firearms; or
''(ii) the intended trafficking of the firearms; and
''(B) the person knows or has reasonable cause to believe is false; or
''(4) to direct, promote, or facilitate conduct specified in paragraph (1), (2), or (3).
''(b) Penalties .'--
''(1) I N GENERAL.'--Any person who violates, or conspires to violate, subsection (a) shall be fined under this title, imprisoned for not more than 15 years, or both.
''(2) O RGANIZER ENHANCEMENT.'--If a violation of subsection (a) is committed by a person in concert with 5 or more other persons with respect to whom such person occupies a position of organizer, a supervisory position, or any other position of management, such person may be sentenced to an additional term of imprisonment of not more than 5 consecutive years.
''(c) Definitions .'--In this section'--
''(1) the term 'actual buyer' means the individual for whom a firearm is being purchased, received, or acquired; and
''(2) the term 'term of imprisonment exceeding 1 year' does not include any offense classified by the applicable jurisdiction as a misdemeanor and punishable by a term of imprisonment of 2 years or less.''.
(b) Technical and conforming amendment .'--The table of sections for chapter 44 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 402 of this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''934. Trafficking in firearms.''.
SEC. 701. Gun shop security measures .
(a) Regulations .'--
(1) I N GENERAL.'--Section 926 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:''(d) Not later than 1 year after the date of enactment of this subsection, the Attorney General shall prescribe such regulations as are necessary to ensure that any premises at which a licensed dealer deals in firearms are secure from theft, which shall include requiring'--
''(1) compliance with the security plan submitted by the licensed dealer pursuant to section 923(d)(1)(G);
''(2) the use of locked metal cabinets and fireproof safes;
''(3) security systems, video monitoring, and anti-theft alarms;
''(4) security gates, strong locks, and site hardening; and
''(5) concrete bollards and other access controls, if necessary.''.
(2) T RANSITION RULE.'--The regulations prescribed under section 926(d)(1) of title 18, United States Code, shall not apply to a person who, on the date of enactment of this Act, is a licensed dealer, as defined in section 921(a)(11) of title 18, United States Code, until the earlier of'--
(A) the date the person complies with subsection (b)(2) of this section; or
(B) the end of the 1-year period that begins with the date regulations are prescribed under section 926(d) of title 18, United States Code.
(b) Security plan submission requirement and other requirements .'--
(1) I N GENERAL.'--Section 923(d)(1) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by striking subparagraph (G) and inserting the following:
''(G) in the case of an application to be licensed as a dealer, the applicant certifies that'--
''(i) the applicant has a permanent place of business;
''(ii) the applicant only hires individuals 21 years of age or older as employees; and
''(iii) secure gun storage or safety devices will be available at any place in which firearms are sold under the license to persons who are not licensees (subject to the exception that in any case in which a secure gun storage or safety device is temporarily unavailable because of theft, casualty loss, consumer sales, backorders from a manufacturer, or any other similar reason beyond the control of the licensee, the dealer shall not be considered to be in violation of the requirement under this subparagraph to make available such a device) and include with the certification'--
''(I) a description of how the applicant will secure, in accordance with the regulations issued under section 926(d), the premises from which the applicant will conduct business under the license (including in the event of a natural disaster or other emergency); and
''(II) a certification that the applicant, if issued such a license, the applicant will comply with the certification made under this subparagraph.''.
(2) T RANSITION RULE.'--A person who, on the date of enactment of this Act, is a licensed dealer (as defined in section 921(a)(11) of title 18, United States Code) and whose license to deal in firearms, issued under chapter 44 of title 18, will not expire before the end of the 1-year period beginning on the date on which regulations are prescribed under section 926(d) of title 18, United States Code, shall submit to the Attorney General a plan of the type described in section 923(d)(1)(G) of title 18, United States Code, not later than the end of that 1-year period. Any plan so submitted shall be considered to be submitted pursuant to section 923(d)(1)(G) of title 18, United States Code, for purposes of sections 923(g)(6)(B) and 926(d) of title 18, United States Code.
(c) Annual security plan compliance certification requirement .'--
(1) I N GENERAL.'--Section 923 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:''(m) (1) Each licensed dealer shall annually certify to the Attorney General that each premises from which the licensed dealer conducts business subject to license under this chapter is in compliance with the regulations prescribed under section 926(d), and include with the certification the results of a reconciliation of the firearms inventory of the licensed dealer with the firearms inventory at the time of the most recent prior certification (if any) under this paragraph, including a report of any missing firearms.
''(2) With respect to a violation of paragraph (1), the Attorney General may, after notice and opportunity for a hearing'--
''(A) suspend, until the violation is corrected, the license issued to the licensee under this chapter that was used to conduct the firearms transfer; and
''(B) impose a civil money penalty of not more than $5,000 on a licensed dealer who fails to comply with paragraph (1).''.
(2) T RANSITION RULE.'--The amendment made by paragraph (1) of this subsection shall not apply to a person who, on the date of enactment of this Act, is a licensed dealer (as defined in section 921(a)(11) of title 18, United States Code), until the end of the 1-year period that begins with the date person complies with subsection (b)(2) of this section.
(d) Effective date .'--The amendments made by this section shall take effect 1 year after the date of enactment of this Act.
(a) Elimination of limit on annual inspections of licensees .'--Section 923(g)(1)(B)(ii) of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) by striking the em dash and all that follows through ''(II)''; and
(2) by striking ''licensee.'' and inserting ''licensee''.
(b) Mandated annual inspections of high risk licensed dealers, triennial inspections of other licensed dealers .'--Section 923(g)(1) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(E) (i) The Attorney General shall, without such reasonable cause or warrant'--
''(I) annually inspect or examine the inventory, records, and business premises of each licensed dealer whom the Attorney General determines is a high-risk dealer (based on the considerations used to do so as of the date of the enactment of this sentence); and
''(II) triennially inspect or examine the inventory, records, and business premises of any other licensed dealer that the Attorney General determines is not a high-risk dealer.
''(ii) Not later than 180 days after the date of an inspection under this subparagraph reveals a violation of this section or any regulation prescribed under this chapter, the Attorney General shall conduct an inspection to determine whether such violation has been cured.''.
(c) Authority To hire additional Industry Operation Investigators for ATF .'--
(1) I N GENERAL.'--The Attorney General may hire 650 industry operation investigators for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, in addition to any personnel needed to carry out this title and the amendments made by this title.
(2) A UTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.'--There are authorized to be appropriated to the Attorney General such sums as are necessary to carry out paragraph (1).
SEC. 703. Employee background checks .
(a) Requirements .'--
(1) B ACKGROUND CHECK REQUIRED BEFORE FIREARM POSSESSION BY DEALER EMPLOYEE.'--Section 923(g) of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 709 of this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(10) A licensed dealer may not allow an employee of the licensed dealer to possess a firearm at a premises from which the licensed dealer conducts business subject to license under this chapter unless'--
''(A) the licensed dealer has contacted the national instant criminal background check system established under section 103 of the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act for information about whether it would be unlawful for the individual to receive a firearm; and
''(B) the system has notified the licensee that the information available to the system does not demonstrate that the receipt of a firearm by the individual would violate subsection (g) or (n) of section 922 or State law.''.
(2) B ACKGROUND CHECKS REQUIRED BEFORE ISSUANCE OR RENEWAL OF DEALER LICENSE.'--Section 923(c) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by inserting after the 1st sentence the following: ''Notwithstanding the preceding sentence, the Attorney General may not issue or renew a license to deal in firearms unless the Attorney General has contacted the national instant criminal background check system established under section 103 of the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act for information about whether it would be unlawful for any employee of the applicant for the license or renewal, identified by the applicant as having the responsibility to receive a firearm, for information about whether it would be unlawful for the employee to receive a firearm, and the system has notified the Attorney General that the information available to the system does not demonstrate that the receipt of a firearm by the employee would violate subsection (g) or (n) of section 922 or the law of the State in which the business premises of the applicant subject to the license is located.''.
(3) E FFECTIVE DATE.'--The amendments made by this subsection shall take effect on the date that is 1 year after the date of enactment of this Act.
(b) Authority of NICS system To respond to licensed dealer request for criminal background check of employee or prospective employee .'--Section 103(b) of the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act (34 U.S.C. 40901(b)) is amended by adding at the end the following: ''The Attorney General shall ensure that the system responds to any request received by the system from a licensed dealer for information on whether receipt of a firearm by an employee or prospective employee of the licensed dealer would violate such section 922 or State law.''.
SEC. 704. Gun store thefts .
Section 923(g)(6) of title 18, United States Code, is amended'--
(1) by inserting ''(A)'' after ''(6)''; and
(2) by adding at the end the following:
''(B) (i) Not later than 30 days after the date on which the Attorney General receives a report from a licensed dealer pursuant to subparagraph (A) of this paragraph of the theft of a firearm, the Attorney General shall conduct an independent inspection of the security of the premises at which the theft occurred, which may include an inspection of the measures taken to implement the security plan submitted by the licensed dealer pursuant to subsection (d)(1)(G).
''(ii) On completion of the security inspection, the Attorney General shall provide the licensed dealer with'--
''(I) a notice of any violation by the licensed dealer of any security requirements prescribed under section 926(d); and
''(II) recommendations for improving security of the premises involved.
''(iii) Not later than 180 days after the date on which the Attorney General conducts an investigation under this subparagraph that reveals a violation of any security requirement prescribed under section 926(d), the Attorney General shall conduct another investigation to determine whether the violation has been cured.''.
SEC. 705. Civil enforcement .
Section 923 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 701(c)(1) of this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(n) In the case of a licensed dealer who the Attorney General has found to be in violation of a regulation prescribed under this chapter, to not have implemented a corrective action required by the Attorney General at the completion of a security inspection conducted under subsection (g)(6)(B)(i) of this section within 30 days after the date of the inspection, or to be in violation of subsection (g)(8) of this section'--
''(1) the Attorney General shall'--
''(A) if the violation is not a result of gross negligence by the licensed dealer'--
''(i) in the case of the 1st such violation of the law or regulation by the licensed dealer, if not preceded by a violation to which subparagraph (B) applies, transmit to the licensed dealer a written notice specifying the violation, which shall include a copy of the provision of law or regulation violated and a plan for how to cure the violation;
''(ii) in the case of the 2nd such violation by the licensed dealer, if not preceded by a violation to which subparagraph (B) applies, impose a civil money penalty in an amount that is not less than $2,500 and not more than $20,000;
''(iii) in the case of the 3rd such violation by the licensed dealer, if not preceded by a violation to which subparagraph (B) applies, suspend the license to deal in firearms issued to the licensed dealer under this chapter until the violation ceases;
''(iv) in the case of the 4th such violation by the licensed dealer, whether or not preceded by a violation to which subparagraph (B) applies, revoke that license; or
''(v) in the case of any such violation by the licensed dealer, if preceded by a violation to which subparagraph (B) applies, apply the penalty authorized under this subsection that is 1 level greater in severity than the level of severity of the penalty most recently applied to the licensed dealer under this subsection; or
''(B) if the violation is a result of such gross negligence'--
''(i) in the case of the 1st such violation by the licensed dealer, impose a civil money penalty in an amount that is not less than $2,500 and not more than $20,000;
''(ii) in the case of the 2nd such violation by the licensed dealer'--
''(I) impose a civil money penalty in an amount equal to $20,000; or
''(II) suspend the license to deal in firearms issued to the licensed dealer under this chapter until the violation ceases; or
''(III) revoke that license; or
''(iii) in the case of the 3rd or subsequent such violation by the licensed dealer, apply the penalty authorized under this subsection that is 1 or 2 levels greater in severity than the level of severity of the penalty most recently applied to the licensed dealer under this subsection; and
''(2) in the case of any such violation, if the Attorney General finds that the nature of the violation indicates that the continued operation of a firearms business by the licensed dealer presents an imminent risk to public safety, the Attorney General shall, notwithstanding paragraph (1), immediately suspend the license to deal in firearm issued to the licensed dealer under this chapter and secure the firearms inventory of the licensed dealer, until the violation ceases.''.
SEC. 706. No effect on State laws governing dealing in firearms .
Nothing in this title shall be interpreted to preclude a State from imposing or enforcing any requirement relating to dealing in firearms (as defined in section 921(a)(3) of title 18, United States Code).
SEC. 707. Lost and stolen reporting requirement .
(a) In general .'--Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by section 601 of this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(ee) The owner of a firearm shall report the theft or loss of the firearm, not later than 48 hours after the owner becomes aware of the theft or loss, to the Attorney General and to the appropriate local authorities.''.
(b) Civil penalty .'--Section 924 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(q) Whoever violates section 922(ee) shall be fined not more than $1,000 in a civil proceeding.''.
SEC. 708. Report on implementation .
Not later than 2 years after the date of enactment of this Act, the Attorney General shall submit to the Congress a written report on the implementation of this Act and the amendments made by this title, including any remaining steps that are necessary to complete the implementation, which shall also identify any additional resources that are required to conduct regular inspections and to ensure that this title and the amendments made by this title are enforced against noncompliant firearm dealers in a timely manner.
SEC. 709. Enhanced record keeping requirements .
Section 923(g) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:
''(8) (A) Each licensed dealer, manufacturer, and importer shall maintain a record of each sale or other transfer of a firearm or ammunition.
''(B) The record required to be maintained under subparagraph (A) shall include'--
''(i) the full name, gender, residence, and occupation of the transferee;
''(ii) a complete description of the firearm, including the make, serial number, and type, if applicable;
''(iii) the type of transfer, such as whether the firearm was sold, rented, or leased;
''(iv) the date of transfer; and
''(v) the firearm license number of the transferee issued in accordance with section 932.
''(C) Each record required to be maintained under subparagraph (A) shall be maintained indefinitely and shall, not later than 5 business days after the sale or other transfer, be submitted to the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives.
''(9) Not later than 2 years after the date of enactment of the Gun Violence Prevention and Community Safety Act of 2020, the Attorney General, acting through the Director of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, shall establish and maintain an electronic database for the receipt and storing of all records created by licensed dealers under paragraph (8).''.
SEC. 710. Deadline for issuance of final regulations .
Not later than 1 year after the date of enactment of this Act, the Attorney General shall prescribe, in final form, all regulations required to carry out this title and the amendments made by this title.
(a) Consolidated Appropriations Resolution, 2003 .'--Section 644 of title VI of division J of the Consolidated Appropriations Resolution, 2003 (5 U.S.C. 552 note) is amended by striking ''or any other Act with respect to any fiscal year''.
(b) Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2005 .'--Title I of division B of the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2005 (Public Law 108''447; 118 Stat. 2859) is amended in the matter under the heading '' Salaries and expenses '' under the heading '' Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives '' under the heading '''' in the 6th proviso by striking ''with respect to any fiscal year''.
(c) Science, State, Justice, Commerce, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2006 .'--Title I of the Science, State, Justice, Commerce, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2006 (Public Law 109''108; 119 Stat. 2295) is amended in the matter under the heading '' Salaries and expenses '' under the heading '' Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives '' under the heading '''' in the sixth proviso by striking ''with respecting to any fiscal year''.
(d) Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2008 .'--Title II of division B of the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2008 (Public Law 110''161; 121 Stat. 1903) is amended in the matter under the heading '' Salaries and expenses '' under the heading '' Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives '' under the heading '''' in the sixth proviso by striking ''beginning in fiscal year 2008 and thereafter'' and inserting ''in fiscal year 2008''.
(e) Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009 .'--Title II of division B of the Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009 (Public Law 111''8; 123 Stat. 574) is amended in the matter under the heading '' Salaries and expenses '' under the heading '' Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives '' under the heading '''' in the sixth proviso by striking ''beginning in fiscal year 2009 and thereafter'' and inserting ''in fiscal year 2009''.
(f) Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2010 .'--Title II of division B of the Omnibus Appropriations Act, 2009 (Public Law 111''117; 123 Stat. 3128) is amended in the matter under the heading '' Salaries and expenses '' under the heading '' Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives '' under the heading '''' in the sixth proviso, by striking ''beginning in fiscal year 2010 and thereafter'' and inserting ''in fiscal year 2010''.
(g) Consolidated and Furthering Continuing Appropriations Act, 2012 .'--Division B of the Consolidated and Furthering Continuing Appropriations Act, 2012 (Public Law 112''55; 125 Stat. 552) is amended'--
(1) in title II, in the matter under the heading '' Salaries and expenses '' under the heading '' Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives '' under the heading '''' by striking'--
(A) the first proviso;
(B) the sixth proviso; and
(C) the eighth proviso; and
(2) in title V, by striking section 511(2).
(h) Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2013 .'--The Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2013 (Division B of Public Law 113''6; 127 Stat. 198) is amended in title II, in the matter under the heading '' Salaries and expenses '' under the heading '' Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives '' under the heading '''' by striking'--
(1) the first proviso;
(2) the fifth proviso; and
(3) the sixth proviso.
(i) Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2019 .'--The Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2019 (Division C of Public Law 116''6; 133 Stat. 91) is amended in title V by striking'--
(1) section 517; and
(2) section 531.
Sections 2, 3, and 4 of the Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act (15 U.S.C. 7901, 7902, and 7903) are repealed.
SEC. 802. Repeal of exclusion of pistols, revolvers, and other firearms from consumer product safety laws .
(a) Amending the definition of consumer product .'--Section 3(a)(5) of the Consumer Product Safety Act (15 U.S.C. 2052(a)(5)) is amended'--
(1) by striking subparagraph (E);
(2) by redesignating subparagraphs (F) through (I) as subparagraphs (E) through (H), respectively; and
(3) in the matter following subparagraph (H) (as redesignated by paragraph (2)), by striking ''described in subparagraph (E) of this paragraph or''.
(b) Removing prohibition of rulemaking authority .'--Subsection (e) of section 3 of the Consumer Product Safety Commission Improvements Act of 1976 (15 U.S.C. 2080 note) is repealed.
SEC. 803. Increase in excise taxes relating to firearms .
(a) In general .'--Section 4181 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 is amended to read as follows:
''SEC. 4181. Imposition of tax .
''There is hereby imposed upon the sale by the manufacturer, producer, or importer of the following articles a tax equivalent to the specified percent of the price for which so sold:
''(1) Articles taxable at 30 percent:
''(A) Pistols.
''(B) Revolvers.
''(C) Firearms (other than pistols and revolvers).
''(D) Any lower frame or receiver for a firearm, whether for a semiautomatic pistol, rifle, or shotgun that is designed to accommodate interchangeable upper receivers.
''(2) Articles taxable at 50 percent: Shells and cartridges.''.
(b) Exemption for United States .'--Subsection (b) of section 4182 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 is amended to read as follows:
''(b) Sales to United States .'--No firearms, pistols, revolvers, lower frame or receiver for a firearm, shells, and cartridges purchased with funds appropriated for any department, agency, or instrumentality of the United States shall be subject to any tax imposed on the sale or transfer of such articles.''.
(c) Effective date .'--The amendments made by this section shall apply with respect to sales after September 30, 2020.
(d) Use of increased taxes .'--
(1) U SE FOR GUN VIOLENCE PREVENTION AND RESEARCH.'--An amount equal to 39 percent of revenues accruing from any tax imposed on shells and cartridges by section 4181 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986, shall, subject to the exemptions in section 4182 of such title, be covered into the Community Violence Intervention Fund in the Treasury (hereinafter referred to as the ''Fund'') and is authorized to be appropriated and made available until expended to carry out the purposes of paragraph (2).
(2) P ROGRAMS FOR GUN VIOLENCE PREVENTION AND RESEARCH.'--Amounts in the Fund established under paragraph (1) shall be used by the Secretary of Health and Human Services to carry out the program established under section 399V''7 of the Public Health Service Act (as added by section 901 of this Act).
(3) C ONFORMING AMENDMENT.'--
(A) I N GENERAL.'--Section 3(a)(1) of the Pittman-Robertson Wildlife Restoration Act (16 U.S.C. 669b (a)(1)) is amended by inserting ''(other than 39 percent of the revenues accruing from the taxes imposed on shells and cartridges by section 4181 of such Code)'' after ''Internal Revenue Code of 1986''.
(B) E FFECTIVE DATE.'--The amendment made by this paragraph shall apply with respect to sales after September 30, 2020.
SEC. 901. Community violence intervention grant program .
Part P of title III of the Public Health Service Act (42 U.S.C. 280g et seq.) is amended by adding at the end the following:
''SEC. 399V''7. Community violence intervention grant program .
''(a) In general .'--The Secretary shall award grants to eligible entities to support community violence intervention programs, with an emphasis on evidence-informed intervention strategies to reduce homicides, shootings, and group-related violence.
''(b) Eligible entities .'--
''(1) I N GENERAL.'--To be eligible for a grant under this section, an entity'--
''(A) shall be a local governmental, hospital, or nonprofit, community-based organization; and
''(B) submit an application at such time, but not more frequently than biennially, in such manner, and containing'--
''(i) clearly defined and measurable objectives for the grant;
''(ii) a statement describing how the applicant proposes to use the grant to implement an evidence-informed violence reduction initiative in accordance with this section; and
''(iii) evidence indicating that the proposed violence reduction initiative would likely reduce the incidence of homicides, shootings, and group-related violence; and
''(iv) any other information the Secretary may require.
''(2) R EQUIRED DISTRIBUTION.'--Each local government that receives a grant shall distribute no less than 50 percent of the grant funds to one or more of any of the following types of entities:
''(A) A community-based organization.
''(B) A nonprofit organization.
''(C) A public agency or department, other than a law enforcement agency or department, that is primarily dedicated to community safety or violence prevention.
''(c) Program activities .'--A program supported by a grant under this section'--
''(1) shall focus on interrupting cycles of violence by focusing intervention resources on the individuals identified as being at highest risk for being victims or perpetrators of community violence in the near future; and
''(2) shall be used to support, expand, and replicate evidence-informed violence reduction initiatives, including'--
''(A) hospital-based violence intervention programs;
''(B) evidence-informed street outreach programs;
''(C) focused deterrence strategies;
''(D) conflict mediation;
''(E) delivery of needs-based support services for high-risk individuals and their family members; and
''(F) providing intensive case management, counseling or peer support services that reduce individuals' risk of being victimized by, or perpetrating, violence and that seek to interrupt cycles of violence and retaliation in order to reduce the incidence of homicides, shootings, and group-related violence.
''(d) Priority .'--In awarding grants under this section, the Secretary shall give priority to programs operating in'--
''(1) the 127 municipalities that have had the highest annual per capita homicide rates as measured over the most recent 5 years (among municipalities meeting certain population thresholds, as specified by the Secretary); and
''(2) other municipalities with substantial recent increases in homicide rates, based on homicide data reported to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, or as otherwise specified by the Secretary.
''(e) Grant recipient reports .'--Each recipient of a grant under this section shall submit a biennial performance report to the Secretary detailing how such grant funds were used and the progress made towards addressing violence in the community during the applicable funding period under the grant.
''(f) Reports to Congress .'--Not later than 2 years after the date on which the program under this section commences, and every 2 years thereafter, the Secretary shall submit a report to Congress detailing how funds appropriated for the grant program under this section were used and recommendations for improvement of the program.
''(g) Authorization of appropriations .'--There are authorized to be appropriated to the Secretary to carry out this section $100,000,000 for each fiscal year.''.
SEC. 902. Funding for research on firearms safety or gun violence prevention .
(a) Department of Justice .'--
(1) I N GENERAL.'--There are authorized to be appropriated to the Attorney General $50,000,000 for each fiscal year for the purpose of conducting or supporting research on firearms safety or gun violence prevention. The amount authorized to be appropriated by the preceding sentence is in addition to any other amounts authorized to be appropriated for such purpose.
(2) R EPORTS TO CONGRESS.'--Not later than 2 years after the date of enactment of this Act, and every 2 years thereafter, the Attorney General shall submit a report to Congress detailing how the funds authorized to be appropriated under this section were used.
(b) Department of Health and Human Services .'--
(1) I N GENERAL.'--There are authorized to be appropriated to the Secretary of Health and Human Services $50,000,000 for each fiscal year for the purpose of conducting or supporting research on firearms safety or gun violence prevention, including conducting evaluations of the community violence intervention grant program authorized under section 399V''7 of the Public Health Service Act (as added by section 901 of this Act). The amount authorized to be appropriated by the preceding sentence is in addition to any other amounts authorized to be appropriated for such purpose.
(2) R EPORTS TO CONGRESS.'--Not later than 2 years after the date of enactment of this Act, and every 2 years thereafter, the Secretary of Health and Human Services shall submit a report to Congress detailing how the funds authorized to be appropriated under this section were used.
If any provision of this Act or any amendment made by this Act, or any application of such provision or amendment to any person or circumstance, is held to be invalid, the remainder of the provisions of this Act and the amendments made by this Act and the application of the provision or amendment to any other person or circumstance shall not be affected.
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Covid Is Accelerating the Rise of Faux Meat | WIRED
Tue, 19 May 2020 07:31
As with toilet paper and cleaning products, you probably didn't fully appreciate meat until the coronavirus pandemic snatched it away. The distribution infrastructure that normally gets plenty of beef, pork, and chicken to American grocery stores has begun to buckle as meatpacking facilities become Covid-19 hotspots and shutter, leaving farmers with nowhere to send their animals. Those livestock are consequently growing too big to process, so farmers across the Midwest are having to gas or shoot tens of thousands of animals and throw them away, all while millions of Americans are going hungry.
The core problem behind this wastefulness is the convoluted way we consume protein. Farmers grow protein in the form of feed, which other farmers supply to their livestock; the animals convert that into new protein in the form of flesh, which is prepared in processing plants and sent to stores. That's a whole lot of middlemen, and more links in the supply chain that can snap.
But in recent years, alternatives have emerged, promising to cut out those middlemen. Companies like Impossible Foods and Beyond Meat skip the livestock entirely: Their factories convert plant material into a striking imitation of real meat. Other companies are experimenting with growing animal cells in a lab to make ground meat products like chorizo. University researchers are even experimenting with how to give that mushy meat structure to one day grow steaks in the lab. So given their simplified supply chains, might such alternative proteins rocket into widespread consumption during the pandemic, supplanting traditional meat?
Well, Nielsen reported that in the nine weeks ending on May 2, sales of alternative meat products in grocery stores went up 264 percent. But really, alternative meat options were well on their way before the pandemic hit. The Impossible Burger and Beyond's meat substitutes have infiltrated the fast food market, popping up at Burger King, Carl's Jr., and Del Taco, and are now available in grocery stores nationwide. Beyond Meat officials say their first quarter sales to food service locations were up over 50 percent this year compared with the last. Impossible Foods execs say they've seen an 18-fold increase in retail coverage from the beginning of the year.
Got a coronavirus-related news tip? Send it to us at covidtips@wired.com.
For these companies, the potential to scale up their production is considerable. ''We're in the early stages of ramping the entire supply chain,'' says Impossible Foods president Dennis Woodside. ''Our belief is that over time, we will get down to the same pricing, if not lower pricing, lower costs, than the animal because of effectively taking the middleman out.''
One of the reasons fake meat makers can grow relatively quickly is because they can halt or ramp up production at their factories on demand. Farmers, on the other hand, have to wait for their animals to grow big enough to slaughter. And to continue scaling up, fake meat companies mainly have to build more factories, which take up far less space than livestock do to make the same amount of protein. For instance, a Beyond Meat spokesperson says that compared with a quarter-pound US beef burger, its same-sized patty uses 99 percent less land and 93 percent less water.
In some ways, these facilities may also be less susceptible to outbreaks of diseases like Covid-19 than traditional meat processing facilities. As WIRED previously reported, workers in a meatpacking plant work shoulder to shoulder at a frenzied pace, breathing heavily. Aggressive ventilation systems meant to prevent spoilage end up blowing respiratory particles around, and low ambient temperatures increase the survival of the novel coronavirus. Making matters all the worse, workers often ride company buses to and from a meatpacking plant, ensuring they remain in close contact even outside of the facility.
Read all of our coronavirus coverage here.
Facilities that produce plant-based meat rely heavily on machinery to mix and extrude ingredients, so employees aren't standing as closely together as they would be in a meatpacking plant. ''The facilities processing plant-based meat ingredients are cleaner, they're safer, they're more highly automated,'' says Caroline Bushnell, associate director of corporate engagement at the Good Food Institute, which promotes the alternative protein industry. ''Extruders can turn ingredients into meat. So there's no hanging of animals or chopping of animal carcasses to create cuts of meat.''
But they still require employees to run the equipment. So as a precaution during the pandemic, Beyond Meat's spokesperson says, they've implemented social distancing, for instance putting temporary limits on the number of people who occupy common areas at a given time. An Impossible Foods spokesperson says the company is also enforcing social distancing, as well as tracking Covid-19 transmission rates around its production facility in the Bay Area. Meatpackers are taking precautions too, including doing employee temperature screenings and boosting their cleaning schedules. But, says Bushnell, ''It's much easier to social distance in a plant-based meat manufacturing plant, which is significantly more automated than a slaughterhouse.''
Their facilities may be better equipped to ride out the pandemic, but alternative meat companies face their own challenges in the months, even years, ahead. ''There's just absolutely enormous potential in these sectors, and they've reached major milestones, especially in recent years,'' says Saloni Shah, a food and agriculture analyst at the Breakthrough Institute, an environmental research center. ''However, Covid-19 and economic crisis sort of threatens to impede the industry's rapid development.''
Everything You Need to Know About the CoronavirusHere's all the WIRED coverage in one place, from how to keep your children entertained to how this outbreak is affecting the economy.
After all, the meat industry has been at this for a long while now. The pandemic may be exposing serious weaknesses in its supply chain, but it doesn't have to rely on research and development teams to create products and improve on formulas, like these food tech companies do. The technology behind lab-grown meat in particular is so new, much of the research is coming from university labs, which may now be shuttered during the pandemic.
The coronavirus shutdown, Shah says, ''comes at a really important and critical turning point as companies are starting to launch new products and large production capacity and establish themselves. This industry is still in its early days; this is the important thing to remember.''
It's also important to put this all in a global context. Americans may be frustrated by the lack of meat in supermarkets, and may be turning more readily to alternative proteins, but for the billions of smallholding livestock keepers in the economically developing world, animals are much more than meat'--they're beasts of burden, milk producers, and even currency. These people can't get by on Impossible or Beyond burgers. In Africa, in particular, smallholding livestock keepers are facing an unprecedented confluence of threats. Just as Covid-19 is spreading throughout the continent, so are massive swarms of locusts. The Food and Agriculture Organization estimates that millions in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia are already facing dire circumstances, and that the pandemic could further devastate food production and distribution in the region.
''We are in a very fortunate position of producing enough food,'' says Alison Van Eenennaam, an animal geneticist at UC Davis, speaking of the US. But in Africa, she continues, ''I think the projections that you're seeing from the FAO is truly biblical starvation in these countries. And I think we haven't even begun to see what Covid is going to do to their food supply.''
In America, now that the industrial meat supply chain is floundering, its uncanny imitators might be primed for success. Consumers who were introduced to the products in fast food restaurants over the last few years seem to be seeking them out in grocery stores, now that everyone is cooking at home more. And the dinosaurs of the industry have certainly taken notice. ''We're really happy to see that most of the big meat companies have now launched plant-based options in the past year, and are increasingly active in alternative proteins,'' says Bushnell, ''which we actually believe is also good for industry incumbents, like Impossible Foods and Beyond Meat, as it further mainstreams plant-based media. A rising tide lifts all boats.''
WIRED is providing free access to stories about public health and how to protect yourself during the coronavirus pandemic. Sign up for our Coronavirus Update newsletter for the latest updates, and subscribe to support our journalism.
More From WIRED on Covid-19
How much is a human life actually worth?The pandemic slams Main Street: ''We're trying to stay alive''Everything we know about Covid-19 antibody tests (so far)Ways to stay calm and relax during quarantineFAQs and your guide to all things Covid-19Read all of our coronavirus coverage here
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Oscars may be postponed due to coronavirus
Wed, 20 May 2020 07:41
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Back to What?
Gov. Abbott outlines phase 2 plans for reopening daycares, bars, recreational businesses and sports
Mon, 18 May 2020 21:42
Latest NewsAUSTIN, Texas '' Texas Gov. Greg Abbott announced Monday that bars, daycares and other Texas businesses can begin reopening in the second part of his phased reopening of the state after more than two months of coronavirus closures.
Abbot said the reality is that coronavirus still exists in Texas and if the reopening process is going to succeed, people have to find ways to coexist with the virus.
He urged people to continue to practice good hand hygiene, social distancing, wearing masks and other protective measures, and recommended elderly and vulnerable Texans continue to stay home if at all possible.
Abbott also said unemployment numbers are too high and are unacceptable. However, Texas has the lowest unemployment rate compared to many other states, according to Abbott.
The best thing the state can do is to combat the rate is to continue to open up, according to Abbott. The more people continue being cautious, the more we can open and get the economy and unemployment back to a healthy level.
What's opening in Phase 2? Abbott announced that more businesses including bars, child care, youth camps and some professional sports will be allowed to reopen in the coming weeks.
''Texas is prepared to move into phase two for further opening up for business,'' Abbott said. ''Every decision I have made, as well as every decision that I will announce today is unanimously supported by our team of medical experts.''
Abbott said the main goal is to reopen Texas using data that will help move the process along while still containing the spread of COVID-19. Based on the facts and medical advice, Abbott decided to announce the next steps to reopening Texas.
Monday Abbott that previously said that barbershops, hair salons and gyms were allowed to reopen Monday. During the news conference, Abbott added other businesses to the list that are allowed to open effective immediately.
Those businesses include:
Child Care Centers Massage and Personal-Care, Beauty Services Youth Clubs Abbott also said businesses located inside office buildings are allowed to open ''to the greater of 10 employees or 25% of the workforce, provided that the employees maintain safe social distancing.''
Friday Abbott said restaurants can now open to a 50% capacity and listed a variety of other businesses that can open at 25% capacity, including bars, craft breweries and wine tasting rooms. The capacity limits do not apply to outdoor areas so long as people can maintain safe distancing.
Other businesses that can open include:
Bowling Alleys, Bingo Halls, Simulcasting, Skating Rinks Rodeo / Equestrian Events Zoos, Aquariums, Natural Caverns May 31 Abbott said that youth sports camps and programs like Little League will be able to open at the end of the month. Parents will be allowed to attend the events so long as they practice social distancing.
Other camps, activities allowed to open are:
Day Youth Camp Overnight Youth Camp Professional Sports Without In-Person Spectators Summer school
According to Abbott, districts have the option to provide summer classes as long as they follow social distancing and other health protocols.
Classes can begin as soon as June 1, Abbott said.
Still closed Abbott said theme parks like Six Flags, Schlitterbahn and other similar businesses are not yet opening.
''We are closely looking at organizations and theme parks like that,'' Abbott said. ''We see what Disney is doing at a national, as well as an international level. We are monitoring the ability and strategies for parks like this to be able to open up.''
Abbott said the importance of theme parks to the tourism and entertainment businesses is vital, but officials are still working on a plan to safely reopen them while helping contain the spread of coronavirus.
As he laid out the new opening, Abbott also said that not all counties or regions will be opening at the same pace because they are facing their own set of challenges with regard to the spread of the virus.
According to Abbot, the three major hotspots for COVID-19 outbreaks are nursing homes, jails and meatpacking plants.
''The area around Amarillo is suffering the fastest growth of COVID-19 in Texas,'' Abbott said. ''This problem is largely the result of meatpacking plants in the area. That COVID-19 spread, as well as the challenges that it poses to the region, is something that impacts the regional healthcare system and it requires a temporary pause in the opening process."
Abbott said El Paso, Randall, Potter, Moore and Deaf Smith counties are also part of the reopening delay. Those counties are expected to begin phase two on May 29, Abbot said.
Click here to see more about the businesses allowed to reopen along with health guidelines for each.
Watch the full news conference: Copyright 2020 by KPRC Click2Houston - All rights reserved.
About the Author:Daniela Sternitzky-Di Napoli Daniela Sternitzky-Di Napoli has been a digital news editor at KPRC 2 since 2018. She is a published poet and has background in creative writing and journalism. Daniela has covered events like Hurricane Harvey and the Astros World Series win. In her spare time, Daniela is an avid reader and loves to spend time with her two miniature dachshunds.
Austin employer predicts work-from-home is permanent and more stories - CultureMap Austin
Sun, 17 May 2020 15:42
Hot Headlines
Michael Dell predicted this week that corporate culture will shift to work-from-home. Photo by PeopleImages
Editor's note: It's that time again '-- time to check in with our top stories. We are continuing to cover Austin amid the COVID-19 crisis and share stories of how this is changing lives across the region. Here are the stories that captured our collective attention over the past seven days.
1. Massive Austin employer predicts permanent shift to work-from-home for most workers. In an interview this week, Michael Dell predicted the shift towards working from home that began during the pandemic will continue. A spokesperson for Dell, the founder's namesake multibillion-dollar company, weighed in, saying that more that 50 percent of its own workforce will likely be permanently telecommuting after lockdown lifts.
2. Popular Austin pizza joint closes another location after employees contract COVID-19. After closing its North Loop location last week due to COVID-19, Home Slice announced it was temporarily shuttering its South Congress flagship after two employees tested positive for the virus. Pizza fans can still get their fix; the restaurant's East 53rd Street locale is back open.
3. Air Force Thunderbirds to fly over Austin in tribute to healthcare workers. The Thunderbirds zoomed into town on Wednesday, offering a blink-and-you-will-miss-it tribute to area healthcare workers.
4. Austin leaders extend stay home order and tackle confusion about governor's plan. It wouldn't be a pandemic version of our most popular stories without an update to our local stay-at-home order. The most recent was issued on May 8, and it extends through mid-June.
5. Retro-cool Airstream resort rolls into Texas for social distance vacations. We're all suffering from wanderlust right now, so why not do something about it? This new resort offers guests a personal retro Airstream, plenty of outdoor activities '-- and space away from other guests.
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Coronavirus Crisis: Ron DeSantis Got Florida's COVID-19 Strategy Right | National Review
Wed, 20 May 2020 09:44
Florida Governor Ron DeSantis talks to the media during a news conference as Hurricane Dorian approaches the state, at the National Hurricane Center in Miami, Fla., August 29, 2019. (Marco Bello/Reuters) The Florida governor explains a COVID-19 strategy that has gotten bad press and favorable results. A couple of months ago, the media, almost as one, decided that Governor Ron DeSantis was a public menace who was going to get Floridians killed with his lax response to the coronavirus crisis.
In an interview with National Review , DeSantis says he was surprised at ''how knee-jerk'' the hostile coverage was, but he ''also knew that none of these people knew anything about Florida at all, so I didn't care what they were saying.''
The conventional wisdom has begun to change about Florida, as the disaster so widely predicted hasn't materialized. It's worth delving into the state's response '-- as described by DeSantis and a couple of members of his team '-- because it is the opposite of the media narrative of a Trump-friendly governor disregarding the facts to pursue a reckless agenda. DeSantis and his team have followed the science closely from the beginning, which is why they forged a nuanced approach, but one that focused like a laser on the most vulnerable population, those in nursing homes.
An irony of the national coverage of the coronavirus crisis is that at the same time DeSantis was being made into a villain, New York governor Andrew Cuomo was being elevated as a hero, even though the DeSantis approach to nursing homes was obviously superior to that of Cuomo. Florida went out of its way to get COVID-19-positive people out of nursing homes, while New York went out of its way to get them in, a policy now widely acknowledged to have been a debacle.
The media didn't exactly have their eyes on the ball. ''The day that the media had their first big freakout about Florida was March 15th,'' DeSantis recalls, ''which was, there were people on Clearwater Beach, and it was this big deal. That same day is when we signed the executive order to, one, ban visitation in the nursing homes, and two, ban the reintroduction of a COVID-positive patient back into a nursing home.''
DeSantis is bemused by the obsession with Florida's beaches. When they opened in Jacksonville, it was a big national story, usually relayed with a dire tone. ''Jacksonville has almost no COVID activity outside of a nursing-home context,'' he says. ''Their hospitalizations are down, ICU down since the beaches opened a month ago. And yet, nobody talks about it. It's just like, 'Okay, we just move on to the next target.'''
Perhaps more understandably, The Villages, the iconic senior community, was a focus of media worries. According to DeSantis, as of last weekend there hadn't been a single resident of The Villages in the hospital for COVID-19 for about a week. At one point, the infection rate in The Villages was so low that state officials were worried that they were missing something. ''So I got the University of Florida to do a study,'' he says. ''They did 1,200 asymptomatic seniors at The Villages, and not one of them came back positive, which was really incredible.''
So how did DeSantis go about responding to the epidemic? It began with the data, and trying to learn the lessons of other countries.
Learn from the EvidenceAt the outset, DeSantis looked at South Korea's experience: ''I just thought it was so dramatic, the extent to which this was concentrated in the older age groups. I think the first real fresh set of South Korea numbers I looked at, I think it had no fatalities under 30, and then 80 percent of them were 70 and above or something like that. It was really, really dramatic.''
Then there was Italy: ''I think a lot of the policymakers in the U.S. acted like Italy would happen in the United States, but when you look under the hood of Italy, there were huge differences, and there were reasons why that part of Italy fared as poorly as it did. I think the median age of fatality was something like 82 in some of those areas in Northern Italy. So we looked at that, but that really helped inform the strategy to focus most of our efforts on the at-risk groups.''
He was hesitant about sweeping lockdowns, given that there wasn't much of a precedent for them. ''One of the things that bothered me throughout this whole time was, I researched the 1918 pandemic, '57, '68, and there were some mitigation efforts done in May 1918, but never just a national-shutdown type deal,'' he says. ''There was really no observed experience about what the negative impacts would be on that.''
''So I was very concerned about things on that side as well,'' he continues, ''and I think that's why I had a more nuanced and balanced approach than some of the other governors. Because you have some of these health officials saying, 'You've got to do this. This is science,' or whatever. But really, these were unchartered territories.''
The DeSantis team also didn't put much stock in dire projections. ''We kind of lost confidence very early on in models,'' a Florida health official says. ''We look at them closely, but how can you rely on something when it says you're peaking in a week and then the next day you've already peaked?'' Instead, ''we started really focusing on just what we saw.''
Florida was better able to do that than many states because of its routine experience dealing with natural disasters. ''Many states simply did not have the data infrastructure that Florida has,'' says Mary Mayhew, secretary of Florida's Agency for Healthcare Administration. ''We have an emergency status system that gets stood up, as I mentioned, in the case of a hurricane. Hospitals and nursing homes and other long-term-care providers are required to submit data on a daily basis, twice-daily basis, regarding their bed availability.''
The Florida Department of Health produces a report that DeSantis sees every morning: new cases, number of tests, positivity rates, etc. He also gets a rundown of the people who have gone into hospitals and of ICU usage. He can follow the key indicators down to the county level. This allows granular visibility into what's happening. He cites the example of rural Hamilton County. It had 67 cases the other day. DeSantis was able to call the surgeon general of the state to find out what was going on, and learn it was an outbreak in a prison rather than a wider community spread.
His focus has been on ''clinically significant cases,'' or serious cases that might require hospitalizations, and that pointed to the nursing homes.
First, Protect the Nursing HomesHere, Florida is indeed quite vulnerable. The state has roughly 350,000 residents and staff at more than 4,000 long-term-care facilities.
The state took precautions with its seniors generally. ''We advised, before there was even mitigation,'' DeSantis points out, ''if you're 65 and older, stay home as much as possible and avoid crowds. And that was just something that made sense.'' The state talked to senior communities like The Villages about what they were doing to mitigate risk, and they took common-sense measures, such as stopping big indoor gatherings.
But the nursing homes represented a different level of risk. ''It was clear to me,'' says Mary Mayhew, ''that there were much higher standards related to infection control being outlined by the federal CDC that well exceeded what our nursing homes traditionally have been expected to adhere to. So we never had false expectations.''
Inspectors and assessment teams visited nursing homes. The state homed in on facilities where, Mayhew says, ''we had historically cited around infection control. We used that to prioritize our visits to those facilities, understanding that the guidance from CDC was changing frequently. So our initial focus was to be an effective resource education to provide guidance to these facilities to make sure they understood how to request personal protective equipment from the state.''
Florida, DeSantis notes, ''required all staff and any worker that entered to be screened for COVID illness, temperature checks. Anybody that's symptomatic would just simply not be allowed to go in.'' And it required staff to wear PPE. ''We put our money where our mouth is,'' he continues. ''We recognized that a lot of these facilities were just not prepared to deal with something like this. So we ended up sending a total of 10 million masks just to our long-term-care facilities, a million gloves, half a million face shields.''
Florida fortified the hospitals with PPE, too, but DeSantis realized that it wouldn't do the hospitals any good if infection in the nursing homes ran out of control : ''If I can send PPE to the nursing homes, and they can prevent an outbreak there, that's going to do more to lower the burden on hospitals than me just sending them another 500,000 N95 masks.''
It's impossible to overstate the importance of this insight, and how much it drove Florida's approach, counter to the policies of New York and other states. (''I don't want to cast aspersions on others, but it is incredible to me, it's shocking,'' says the Florida health official, ''that Governor Cuomo [and others] are able to kind of just avoid real questions about their policies early on to actually send individuals into the nursing home, which is completely counter to the real data.'')
Mary Mayhew had daily calls with the hospitals, with people involved in discharge planning on the line. ''Every day on these calls,'' she says, ''I would hear the same comments and questions around, we need to get these individuals returned back to the nursing home. We drew a hard line early on. I said repeatedly to the hospital, to the CEOs, to the discharge planners, to the chief medical officers, 'I understand that for 20 years it's been ingrained, especially through Medicare reimbursement policy, to get individuals in and out. That is not our focus today. I'm not going to send anyone back to a nursing home who has the slightest risk of being positive.'''
''What we said constantly is let's not have two cases become 20 or five become 50,'' she continues. ''If you don't manage this individual as you return them back, you will have far more being transferred back to the hospital.'' Early on, when tests had a slow turnaround, there was a lot of pressure to give way, but Mayhew was unmovable on the question.
At the other end of the equation at the nursing homes, the state made it clear, according to Mayhew, ''if you are unable to adhere to these infection-control standards, if you are unable to safely isolate and dedicate staff to an isolation wing or unit, you need to transfer that individual to a hospital.''
As the health officials put it, succinctly, ''We wanted people out, not in.''
When the state was seeing infections at nursing homes presumably caused by staff, DeSantis deployed what he calls ''an expeditionary testing force,'' 50 National Guard teams of four guardsmen together with Department of Health personnel that tested staff and residents.
Most facilities haven't had confirmed cases. ''But the ones that have,'' he says, ''the majority of them have had between one and five infections. So the infections are identified, but then, you're isolating either the individual or the small cluster before you have an outbreak.''
The state has just deployed a mobile testing lab in an RV that has a rapid test with results in an hour or two. It goes to a community and the staff goes to different long-term-care facilities. ''If you're talking about an asymptomatic carrier, if you can identify that person instead of waiting 48 hours for lab results to come back, I mean, that could be the difference between saving a lot of infections,'' according to DeSantis.
The state has also started a sentinel surveillance program for long-term-care facilities, routinely taking representative samples to monitor for flare-ups.
Finally, it has established several COVID-19-only nursing homes, with a couple more in the pipeline. The idea, again, is to get COVID-19-positive residents out of the regular nursing homes to the maximum extent possible.
Diverse State, Diverse ApproachesAt the same time Florida was devoting enormous attention to nursing homes and establishing highly restrictive policies to protect them, it was giving its counties latitude in how they reacted to the crisis.
''I said from the beginning,'' DeSantis explains, ''we're a big, diverse state. The epidemic is not going to affect this state uniformly, and what's appropriate in Miami and Broward may not be appropriate for Jacksonville or the Panhandle. And that's pretty much the way we did it.''
''We worked with the locals in Southeast Florida,'' he continues. ''They had more restrictive measures than the rest of the state.''
And understandably so: ''Even at this point, 60 percent of our cases have come from just those three counties. I mean, they represent 29 percent of the population, but 60 percent of the cases, and certainly a majority of the fatalities and hospitalizations.''
DeSantis eventually did issue his own statewide order, but he argues that it was more flexible and less prescriptive than those of other states. ''We had a broad essential-business definition,'' he says. ''So we basically had businesses operating. We had the daycares open, we had recreation open, and my order never actually closed any businesses. We allowed them to operate within the context of just limiting contact between people outside the household.''
He was relaxed from the beginning about outdoor activities, even as critics sounded the alarm about the beaches: ''I always believed that respiratory viruses were less likely to be transmitted in a hot outdoor environment, and then you started to see the studies come in, in March, saying that that's what it was.''
He thinks that the relatively short, relatively capacious shutdown order has allowed Florida to be ahead of the curve of reopening of the more restrictive states. DeSantis maintains that ''what we did in March and April is the equivalent of what New York will be or California, when they go to phase three.''
Looking ahead, he says, ''being measured and being thoughtful and just following data is important.'' He's not following the advice of some people to, as he puts it, ''just rip off the Band-Aid and just go whole hog.'' In looking at the cases every day, there are cases in prisons and nursing homes, but ''outside of southeast Florida, we're not seeing a huge amount of community transmission, which is a good sign.'' Of course, testing will continue to be a priority, as it has been all along.
''Our 13 drive-through sites in the state of Florida, we can do about 10,000 tests a day, just on those sites,'' he says. ''And we obviously have so much more testing going on in hospitals, doctor's offices. But we can do 10,000 tests a day, and we average about 5,000 people that actually come to test. So we have a surplus of availability.''
Perhaps things will still go wrong in Florida, perhaps its relative good fortune can be chalked up to weather, perhaps county-level lockdowns made a big difference, but no one can say that the state hasn't taken a thoughtful approach to the crisis. Or, no one can reasonably say that '-- which, of course, hasn't stopped many journalists.
''I view it more as a badge of honor that I was doing a good job,'' DeSantis says, ''and that they viewed me as a target, because if I wasn't, they probably would just ignore me.''
Apple checks in with 192-room hotel for billion-dollar Austin campus - CultureMap Austin
Thu, 21 May 2020 03:49
Tech giant Apple Inc. has added a new amenity to its $1 billion corporate campus under construction in Northwest Austin '-- a 192-room hotel.
A revised site plan approved April 29 by the City of Austin shows a 75,500-square-foot, six-story hotel, as well as previously envisioned office buildings and parking garages. The revised plan doesn't cite a hotel brand. The original site plan for the project, filed in December 2018, didn't include a hotel.
''Apple is a trendsetter in so many ways. Its proposed hotel as part of its new Austin campus is another example of it being ahead of the curve,'' John Boyd Jr., principal of Princeton, New Jersey-based corporate location consulting firm The Boyd Co. Inc., tells CultureMap.
Boyd adds that ''having a hotel connected at the hip with its corporate parent is not common now, but in the post-COVID-19 corporate travel world, I expect we will be seeing more of this concept, especially from deep-pocketed tech firms like Apple, Google, Facebook, and Microsoft.''
In all, Apple's second Austin campus will contain structures totaling 3 million square feet, with about 2 million square feet devoted to office space. By comparison, the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia '--headquarters of the U.S. Department of Defense '-- encompasses 6.6 million square feet of floor space, making it one of the world's largest office buildings.
Apple broke ground in November on the $1 billion campus. The project, set to open in 2022, initially will house 5,000 employees and eventually will be able to accommodate 15,000 employees. The campus is being built on a 133-acre site at West Parmer Lane and McNeil Road. The updated site plan shows the hotel as being the structure closest to West Parmer Lane.
Apple currently occupies a nearby office campus, at West Parmer Lane and Riata Vista Circle, where most of its 7,000 Austin employees work. The 1.1 million-square-foot campus, which was completed in 2016, features seven office buildings on 38 acres. The site represents Apple's largest hub outside its $5 billion headquarters in Cupertino, California; Apple is poised to become Austin's largest private employer in the not-too-distant future.
While it might be uncommon for a hotel to be built on a corporate campus, the concept isn't unheard of. In Fort Worth, for instance, American Airlines is adding a 600-room hotel at its headquarters, along with a conference and training center. The $250 million project is supposed to open in 2021.
Closer to Austin, Paul Vaughn, senior vice president of San Antonio-based hotel consulting firm Source Strategies Inc., notes that a Candlewood Suites hotel operates at Joint Base San Antonio, an Air Force and Army complex, and an Embassy Suites hotel is located at San Antonio's Brooks City Base, a former Air Force base that was converted into a mixed-use development. Many of the guests at the two hotels are doing business with the U.S. military.
Similarly, a Hampton Inn sits on Dell Way, the road leading to the Round Rock headquarters of Dell Technologies Inc.
Vaughn envisions an extended-stay property being built at the new Apple campus. He cites an Embassy Suites hotel as a possibility.
Boyd believes building a hotel on its new Austin campus will give Apple ''greater control of its corporate travel operations, and give COVID-leery business travelers a greater sense of security and safety.''
Representatives of Apple couldn't be reached for comment.
It makes sense that Apple would want its offices to be near hotels, as those sites regularly draw employees and customers from around the world. Apple occupies a 215,000-square-foot office building in West Austin that's adjacent to the high-end Hotel Granduca Austin, while a 340-room hotel is set for a planned mixed-use development on a site within two miles of Apple's current and future campuses in Northwest Austin.
Models and Data
Health Commissioner Zucker's nursing-home failures were worse than thought
Wed, 20 May 2020 14:06
May 19, 2020 | 7:30pm | Updated May 20, 2020 | 12:29pm
Enlarge Image Health Commissioner Howard Zucker's approach to the coronavirus crisis in nursing homes is even worse than critics thought. Hans Pennink
Health Commissioner Howard Zucker's approach to the coronavirus crisis in nursing homes is even worse than we'd thought: It turns out his Department of Health didn't even try to track deaths in homes for a full month after the state reported its first fatalities.
New York's first confirmed COVID-19 deaths came March 14, but it wasn't until April 17 that DOH began comprehensively asking nursing-home administrators how many residents had died of the disease, the Syracuse Post-Standard has revealed.
The department was in contact '-- sending daily questionnaires asking how many masks and how much hand sanitizer homes had on hand, among other data. But it wasn't until news broke of growing outrage among residents' families that the state thought to systematically ask the most crucial question.
And then DOH just flailed: It e-mailed homes on April 17 at 7:03 a.m. to ask, ''What is the total number of residents who have died in your nursing home of COVID-19?'' It set an 8:45 a.m. deadline for replies.
The next day, it ordered administrators to document every coronavirus death over the prior six weeks '-- in a noon e-mail with a 2:30 p.m. deadline.
All this, as Zucker mandated on March 25 that homes take in COVID-positive patients. That's right: He gave that order without having even tried to learn how many residents were dying from the bug. (Then again, this is the guy who ordered EMTs to not bother trying to resuscitate heart-attack victims until The Post exposed that madness.)
Zucker seems to have focused purely on keeping hospitals from becoming overwhelmed, to the point of sending infected patients into the facilities housing those most vulnerable to the bug. Now the virus has taken some 5,600 nursing-home lives, and experts believe the true toll is far higher.
Gov. Cuomo has repeatedly insisted his team is basing all its moves on the data, yet Zucker wasn't even collecting key info on the most at-risk population. Surely the Empire State deserves a better health commissioner than this.
Coronavirus: A mink may have transmitted COVID-19 to a human, says Dutch government | Euronews
Thu, 21 May 2020 04:31
The Dutch government says it has evidence to suggest a human has contracted coronavirus from a mink.
In a letter sent on Wednesday, the Dutch agriculture minister Carola Schouten said a worker on a mink farm had contracted a strain of COVID-19 that was similar to that found in an animal on the premises.
She said this meant it was "likely" that mink-to-human transmission had occurred.
"These new research results have a major impact on the owners, families and employees of mink companies as well as on the local communities," she said in the letter.
"I am therefore in close contact with all these parties involved."
It is not a new development to find COVID-19 in mink, which are semiaquatic, carnivorous mammals bred for their furs, as cases were found in two farms in the Netherlands back in April after workers noticed some of the animals were having difficulties with breathing.
Authorities initially assumed people had infected the animals; however, at least one case is now thought to show this happened the other way round.
As a result, further restrictions have been placed on mink farms, including screening for all farms in the Netherlands, and requirements for employees to wear protective equipment.
Animals and manure on infected farms are banned from leaving their sites.
Despite the evidence of mink transmission of COVID-19 to a human, the Dutch government said chances of this happening remained "negligible".
These are not the first cases of infections in animals.
A tiger at a zoo in New York tested positive to COVID-19 after developing a respiratory illness, the US Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) said.
"CDC is aware of a small number of pets, including cats and dogs, reported to be infected with the virus that causes COVID-19, mostly after close contact with people with COVID-19," it added.
It advised people to treat pets as they would other human family members and to not let them interact with people or animals outside the household. It also recommended that if someone in the family develops symptoms, they should also be isolated from pets.
Testing
Illinois Governor Pritzker's Family Owns Stake in Coronavirus Testing Companies
Wed, 20 May 2020 07:41
Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker (D-Ill.) is facing accusations of cronyism and financially profiting from the coronavirus pandemic after it has been revealed that his family owns stake in at least two companies currently working on coronavirus testing, according to Fox News.
The Chairman of the Illinois Republican Party, Tim Schneider, released a statement pointing out that Pritzker's family firm, Pritzker Group, ''controls the companies that are making millions off the pandemic'...Governor Pritzker and his family are clearly profiting off the COVID-19 crisis, and it's appalling.''
The Pritzker Group owns stake in two such companies: It has previously invested in the ''anatomic, clinical, and molecular pathology company'' PathGroup, and had also sent funding to Cue Health, a ''health care technology company.'' Both companies have been developing testing technology for the virus in recent weeks. Cue Health had also received a $13 million contract from the federal government for their testing work.0
Pritzker's campaign had released a statement shortly after his election claiming that Pritzker had ''given up as much control and knowledge of these trusts as is possible under the law'' by putting his share of the company into a blind trust, while also attempting to justify such stake as ultimately being in compliance with state law.
OTG
I now live in a single terminal and the brave browser HJKL4LIFE
Lineage OS LG Tablet review from producer Andrew
Fairphone teams up with /e/OS on a box-fresh 'deGoogled' handset | TechCrunch
Tue, 19 May 2020 08:13
The makers of the world's most ethical smartphone, the Fairphone 3, have teamed up for a version of the device with even less big tech on board.
The Netherlands-based device maker has partnered with France's /e/OS to offer a ''de-Googled'' version of its latest handset, running an Android AOSP fork out of the box that's itself built atop a fork of CyanogenMod (remember them?) '-- called LineageOS (via Engadget).
''The deGoogled Fairphone 3 is most likely the first privacy conscious and sustainable phone,'' runs the blurb on /e/OS' website. ''It combines a phone that cares for people and planet and an OS and apps that care for your privacy.''
A pithy explainer of its ''privacy by design ecosystem'' '-- and the point of ''Android without Google'' '-- further notes: ''We have removed many pieces of code that send your personal data to remote servers without your consent. We don't scan your data in your phone or in your cloud space, and we don't track your location a hundred times a day or collect what you're doing with your apps.''
When the Fairphone 3 launched last September it came with Android 9 preloaded. But the company touted a post-launch update that would make it easy for buyers to wipe Google services off their slate and install the Android Open Source Project, which it recommended for advanced users.
The new /e/OS flavor offers a third OS option.
Per Engadget, Fairphone said it polled members of its community asking which alternative OS to offer and /e/OS got more votes than a number of others. The company also highlighted /e/OS' privacy by design as a factor in the choice, lauding how it shuts down ''unwanted data flows,'' meaning users have more control over what their phone is doing.
The e/OS flavor of the Fairphone 3 ships from May 6, priced at just under '¬480 '-- a '¬30 premium on the Googley flavor of Android you get on the standard Fairphone 3.
Existing owners of Fairphone's third-gen handset can manually install /e/OS gratis via an installer on its website.
When the Fairphone 3 launched last year the company told us only around 5% of Fairphone users opt to go full open source '-- which suggests the /e/OS Fairphone 3 will be a niche choice for even these discerning buyers.
Microsoft will ship a full Linux kernel in Windows 10 - The Verge
Mon, 18 May 2020 15:35
Microsoft has surprised many in the Linux developer community in recent years. Surprises have included bringing things like the Bash shell to Windows, or native OpenSSH in Windows 10, and even including Ubuntu, SUSE Linux, and Fedora in the Windows Store. Microsoft is now going even further, with plans to ship a full Linux kernel directly in Windows 10.
''Beginning with Windows Insiders builds this Summer, we will include an in-house custom-built Linux kernel to underpin the newest version of the Windows Subsystem for Linux (WSL),'' explains Microsoft program manager Jack Hammons. ''The kernel itself will initially be based on version 4.19, the latest long-term stable release of Linux. The kernel will be rebased at the designation of new long-term stable releases to ensure that the WSL kernel always has the latest Linux goodness.''
Microsoft's integration of Linux in Windows 10 will interface with a userspace installed via the Windows Store. It's a big shift for Microsoft, and marks the first time that the Linux kernel will be included as part of Windows. It sounds like this Linux kernel integration will be available later this year, with a Windows 10 update that's codenamed 19H2.
For developers it should dramatically improve the performance of Microsoft's Linux subsystem in Windows. Microsoft is also promising to update this kernel through Windows Update, and it will be fully open source with the ability for developers to create their own WSL kernel and contribute changes.
Microsoft also announced Windows Terminal today, a new command line app for Windows. It's designed to be the central location for access to environments like PowerShell, Cmd, and the Windows Subsystem for Linux (WSL).
To help doctors monitor COVID-19 victims, Google is providing 10,000 Nest Cams to hospitals | Android Central
Tue, 19 May 2020 08:06
Google is planning to provide up to 10, 000 Nest Cams to healthcare providers to aid the current response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
With these Nest Cams, nurses and doctors will be able to check in on patients, supplementing in-person checks. This means there will be a reduction of physical contact, and therefore less of a need for personal protection equipment (PPE), which has fast become a scare resource.
Robbie Freeman, a registered nurse at Mount Sinai explained on Monday:
Starting this week, we began installing two Nest Cameras in more than a hundred rooms being used to help Coronavirus patients' '--in most rooms one will be used to monitor and communicate with patients and the other will monitor their vitals. Video from the cameras will be livestreamed to a purpose built console located in Mount Sinai nurse stations (Google will not store this footage or have access to it). This purpose-built console was designed to aid health care workers; it allows for monitoring patients, tracking vitals and talking with the patients. Now that health care providers can help patients from their stations, it saves both time and PPE.
This system is said to be compliant with privacy regulations such as HIPAA, preserving patent data, as well as "other legal and regulatory requirements."
Best VPN providers 2020: Learn about ExpressVPN, NordVPN & more
Aside from helping in the medical field, Google has also set aside funds to support small businesses affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Alongside Apple, the tech firm built up a contact tracing solution to help aid steps out of the current spate of global lockdowns. With both contact tracing and the Nest Cam solution, however, Google needs to rebuild a reputation as a privacy concerned company due to the sensitive nature of both projects. It's not going to be an easy task, but one that should remain at the forefront of all such efforts.
Nest Cam vs. Nest Cam IQ: Which should you buy?
Apple whistleblower goes public over 'lack of action' | Technology | The Guardian
Wed, 20 May 2020 08:03
A former Apple contractor who helped blow the whistle on the company's programme to listen to users' Siri recordings has decided to go public, in protest at the lack of action taken as a result of the disclosures.
In a letter announcing his decision, sent to all European data protection regulators, Thomas le Bonniec said: ''It is worrying that Apple (and undoubtedly not just Apple) keeps ignoring and violating fundamental rights and continues their massive collection of data.
''I am extremely concerned that big tech companies are basically wiretapping entire populations despite European citizens being told the EU has one of the strongest data protection laws in the world. Passing a law is not good enough: it needs to be enforced upon privacy offenders.''
Le Bonniec, 25, worked as a subcontractor for Apple in its Cork offices, transcribing user requests in English and French, until he quit in the summer of 2019 due to ethical concerns with the work. ''They do operate on a moral and legal grey area,'' he told the Guardian at the time, ''and they have been doing this for years on a massive scale. They should be called out in every possible way.''
Following the revelations of Le Bonniec and his colleagues, Apple promised sweeping changes to its ''grading'' program, which involved thousands of contractors listening to recordings made, both accidentally and deliberately, using Siri. The company apologised, brought the work in-house, and promised that it would only grade recordings from users who had explicitly opted-in to the practice.
''We realise we have not been fully living up to our high ideals,'' the company said in a statement in August. It eventually released a software update in late October that allowed users to opt-in or out of their voice recordings being used to ''improve Siri dictation'', and to choose to delete the recordings that Apple had stored. The company also emphasised that, unlike its competition, Siri recordings are never linked to a specific Apple account.
But, Le Bonniec argues, the company never really faced the consequences for its years-long programme in the first place.
''I listened to hundreds of recordings every day, from various Apple devices (eg. iPhones, Apple Watches, or iPads). These recordings were often taken outside of any activation of Siri, eg in the context of an actual intention from the user to activate it for a request. These processings were made without users being aware of it, and were gathered into datasets to correct the transcription of the recording made by the device,'' he said.
''The recordings were not limited to the users of Apple devices, but also involved relatives, children, friends, colleagues, and whoever could be recorded by the device. The system recorded everything: names, addresses, messages, searches, arguments, background noises, films, and conversations. I heard people talking about their cancer, referring to dead relatives, religion, sexuality, pornography, politics, school, relationships, or drugs with no intention to activate Siri whatsoever.
''These practices are clearly at odds with the company's 'privacy-driven' policies and should be urgently investigated by data protection authorities and Privacy watchdogs. With the current statement, I want to bring this issue to your attention, and also offer my cooperation to provide any element substantiating these facts. Although this case has already gone public, Apple has not been subject to any kind of investigation to the best of my knowledge.''
Utah Spent $2.75 Million On Coronavirus Contact Tracing App That 45,000 People Used
Wed, 20 May 2020 16:45
Saul Loeb / Getty ImagesUtah Sen. Mitt Romney wears a face mask in Washington, DC, on May 19.
When Utah became one of the first states to begin a phased reopening on May 1, the return of restaurants, some businesses, and churches was supposed to be supported by a mobile app that would help public health officials track down people infected with COVID-19 and anyone with whom they may have been in contact.
Utah Gov. Gary Herbert said on April 22 that the app, Healthy Together, would be an integral part of getting the state back on its feet: "This app will give public health workers information they need to understand and contain the pandemic and help Utahns get back to daily life.''
The state spent $2.75 million to purchase the app and is paying a monthly maintenance fee of $300,000, according to contracts obtained by BuzzFeed News. But as of May 18, just 45,000 of the state's 3.2 million people had downloaded Healthy Together, according to Twenty.
Now, state lawmakers are raising concerns about the cost, public health officials worry about its relevance, and Spanish speakers and members of the Navajo Nation say that it has drawn resources and attention away from more pressing needs. In its rush to solve a public health crisis with a technological quick fix, Utah may be no better off than it was without the app.
With widespread use, Utah officials argued, Healthy Together could help save lives and reopen businesses in a state where the unemployment rate for the year is expected to reach 8.6%.
As previously reported, the company that built the tracing app, Twenty, has created only one other program. The app, which is called Twenty - Hang With Friends, is similar to Snapchat Map, and shows where a person's friends are and lets them chat with each other.
Although Twenty, whose CEO is Diesel Peltz, had never built a healthcare app, according to its proposal, the company would build two items: a contact tracing app for Utah residents and a tracking portal for state officials and healthcare workers to monitor the data. On April 23, Utah's Division of Purchasing and General Services approved the proposal, in which Twenty promised that within 10 days of launch, the public health portal would be available, along with location-tracking features, which is necessary for the digital contact tracing tool Twenty promised.
On Tuesday, a Twenty spokesperson told BuzzFeed News that the company could not comment on when these features would become available, although they said those elements were still coming.
''In the days ahead, a full-scale version of Healthy Together will roll out additional planned features that include a public health portal to assist manual contact tracing teams, as well as a Maps function to allow users to determine high-, medium-, and low-risk areas in their community,'' the spokesperson said. ''Our team remains committed to transparency in our approach, and will continue to work with Utah's leadership to provide tools to aid their efforts to fight the pandemic.''
Utah's contract with Healthy Together isn't the state's only recent technology controversy. Before the pandemic, the state signed a five-year, $20.7 million contract with a surveillance company that claimed to be able to identify crime in real time. In April, news outlet OneZero revealed that in 1990 Banjo CEO Damien Patton had taken part in a drive-by shooting of a synagogue with a member of the Ku Klux Klan, after which he stepped down and the Utah attorney general suspended the contract.
As of today, Twenty hasn't delivered. Nearly four weeks after launching, the only features currently available are the symptom checker and the testing center map. A dashboard that was supposed to be usable 10 days after the app launched is not yet available, according to Amelia Prebish, a health program coordinator for the Utah Department of Health.
That's led to concerns among lawmakers over the cost and the procurement process, which went outside of normal channels. According to the Salt Lake Tribune, the state has allocated $84 million in no-bid contracts and supply orders outside its usual purchasing process.
''In Utah, when there's a declared emergency, the executive branch has wide powers to suspend our normal procurement process,'' Utah state Rep. Andrew Stoddard told BuzzFeed News. He's introduced a bill that would rein in the executive branch's powers to make purchases during an emergency.
State Rep. Suzanne Harrison told BuzzFeed News she was "concerned that perhaps, this will be something that profits the few at taxpayer expense.''
''I'm also a practicing medical doctor myself and I want to make sure that as we tackle this pandemic, both from the health and pandemic standpoint, that we are listening to public health and medical experts to do this in the most effective way,'' Harrison said. ''Is this the best use of taxpayer money, in this situation?''
Many healthcare workers said it was not.
People working in testing clinics told BuzzFeed News that they haven't told people about Healthy Together when they come in for COVID-19 testing nor have authorities asked them to promote it.
Kathy Wilets, a spokesperson for the University of Utah, which operates five COVID-19 testing clinics, said the university was not referring patients to Healthy Together.
A representative from the Ashley Regional Medical Center said its workers were not referring people to the app, in part over "privacy reasons."
One worker, who asked to remain anonymous, told BuzzFeed News that the app was probably not being used by those most vulnerable to infections. ''I think it's Gov. Herbert's way of saying, 'Hey, we're doing something,''' the worker said. ''The app is nice, but it's not reaching all the target populations that are out there.''
And, in what they worry is a rush to find a technical solution to the public health crisis, some community organizers fear the state is overlooking people of color.
"We haven't even been able to receive the adequate testing that we need to begin with,'' said Maria Montes, an organizer for the Latinx advocacy group Comunidades Unidas.
Montes said Utah doesn't have permanent testing sites in some low-income communities, like the Glendale neighborhood of Salt Lake City, leaving people to rely on mobile testing buses from the University of Utah.
''We've heard different people say that the pandemic is a great equalizer,'' Montes said. ''While we're all in the same water, we're not in the same boat. It would be incredibly unfair to push everyone to move forward when there's not an equal amount of resources going around.''
Kurt Micka, executive director of Utah Partners for Health, told BuzzFeed News that 60% of his clinic's patients speak Spanish. Although the app is available in Spanish, he said that in-person outreach was probably a more effective way to fight the disease.
''I personally downloaded the app '-- I don't know really how applicable it is,'' he said. ''It's a nice app for people who like apps.''
Meanwhile, the Navajo Nation, which includes 15,000 people living in Utah, is facing one of the more severe outbreaks of COVID-19 in the United States. As of May 17, 140 members of that community have died across the territory '-- which spans across parts of Utah, Arizona, and New Mexico '-- according to Navajo Nation President Jonathan Nez.
In response, the Navajo Nation has unrolled aggressive testing. There are 17 clinics testing for COVID-19 on Navajo territory, and to date, 11.6% of the Navajo population has been tested for COVID-19, according to Nez. That's higher than the most-tested state in the nation, New York, which has a rate of 7.1%.
But none of the 17 Navajo testing clinics are on Healthy Together.
A spokesperson for the Utah Department of Health declined to comment on the absence of Navajo Nation testing centers in the state's contact tracing app and did not share its criteria for testing center inclusion. The spokesperson noted that the department's mobile testing centers had been sent to Navajo Nation territory.
Nez told BuzzFeed News that the Healthy Together app hasn't come up in discussions with Utah officials. He said that while the Navajo Nation is open to using contact tracing technology, there would have to be strong data protections regarding biomedical data.
''We tell the states and the countries that we are in charge,'' Nez said. "And we appreciate their support, but we do want our data being protected, because we don't want it being used for anything else.''
UPDATE May. 20, 2020, at 16:06 PM
This article was updated to include a statement from Twenty, and to reflect the most recent download numbers of Healthy Together.
Apple and Google launch exposure notification API, enabling public health authorities to release apps '' TechCrunch
Wed, 20 May 2020 17:41
Apple and Google today made available the first public version of their exposure notification API, which was originally debuted as a joint contact-tracing software tool. The partners later renamed it the Exposure Notification system to more accurately reflect its functionality, which is designed to notify individuals of potential exposure to others who have confirmed cases of COVID-19, while preserving privacy around identifying info and location data.
The launch today means that public health agencies can now use the API in apps released to the general public. To date, Apple and Google have only released beta versions of the API to help with the development process.
To be clear, this launch means that developers working on behalf of public health agencies can now issue apps that make use of it '-- Apple and Google themselves are not creating an exposure-notification or contact-tracing app. The companies say that many U.S. states and 22 countries across five continents have already asked for, and been provided access to, the API to support their development efforts, and they anticipate more being added going forward. So far, Apple and Google say they have conducted more than 24 briefings and tech talks for public health officials, epidemiologists and app developers working on their behalf.
The exposure notification API works using a decentralized identifier system that uses randomly generated temporary keys created on a user's device (but not tied to their specific identify or info). Apple and Google's API allows public health agencies to define what constitutes potential exposure in terms of exposed time and distance, and they can tweak transmission risk and other factors according to their own standards.
Further, Apple and Google will allow apps to make use of a combination of the API and voluntarily submitted user data that they provide through individual apps to enable public health authorities to contact exposed users directly to make them aware of what steps they should take.
During the course of the API's development, Apple and Google have made various improvements to ensure that privacy is an utmost consideration, including encrypting all Bluetooth metadata (like signal strength and specific transmitting power), as that could potentially be used to determine what type of device was used, which offers a slim possibility of associating an individual with a specific device and using that as one vector for identification.
The companies have also explicitly barred use of the API in any apps that also seek geolocation information permission from users '-- which means some apps being developed by public health authorities for contact tracing that use geolocation data won't be able to access the exposure notification API. That has prompted some to reconsider their existing approach.
Apple and Google provided the following joint statement about the API and how it will support contact-tracing efforts undertaken by public health officials and agencies:
One of the most effective techniques that public health officials have used during outbreaks is called contact tracing. Through this approach, public health officials contact, test, treat and advise people who may have been exposed to an affected person. One new element of contact tracing is Exposure Notifications: using privacy-preserving digital technology to tell someone they may have been exposed to the virus. Exposure Notification has the specific goal of rapid notification, which is especially important to slowing the spread of the disease with a virus that can be spread asymptomatically.
To help, Apple and Google cooperated to build Exposure Notifications technology that will enable apps created by public health agencies to work more accurately, reliably and effectively across both Android phones and iPhones. Over the last several weeks, our two companies have worked together, reaching out to public health officials scientists, privacy groups and government leaders all over the world to get their input and guidance.
Starting today, our Exposure Notifications technology is available to public health agencies on both iOS and Android. What we've built is not an app '-- rather public health agencies will incorporate the API into their own apps that people install. Our technology is designed to make these apps work better. Each user gets to decide whether or not to opt-in to Exposure Notifications; the system does not collect or use location from the device; and if a person is diagnosed with COVID-19, it is up to them whether or not to report that in the public health app. User adoption is key to success and we believe that these strong privacy protections are also the best way to encourage use of these apps.
Today, this technology is in the hands of public health agencies across the world who will take the lead and we will continue to support their efforts.
The companies previously announced plans to make Exposure Notification a system-level feature in a later update to both their respective mobile operating systems, to be released sometime later this year. That ''Phase two'' portion of the strategy might be under revision, however, as Google and Apple said they continue to be in conversation with public health authorities about what system-level features will be useful to them in development of their COVID-19 mitigation strategies.
Three states will use Apple, Google coronavirus tracking tech
Thu, 21 May 2020 05:15
Published Wed, May 20 2020 1:01 PM EDT
Updated Wed, May 20 2020 5:37 PM EDT
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Apple and Google's digital contact tracing technology is included in new updates to iOS and Android that will be released on Wednesday.Alabama, North Dakota and South Carolina are the first states to publicly comment about using Apple and Google's contact tracing technology in statewide apps meant to slow the spread of coronavirus.Apple and Google's contact tracing system is designed to slow the spread of coronavirus by tracking who a person has been in close contact with using a Bluetooth system that stores data on people's phones, not a central database.Tim Cook, chief executive officer of Apple, at the 2019 DreamForce conference in San Francisco, California, U.S., on Nov. 19, 2019.
David Paul Morris | Bloomberg | Getty Images
Alabama, North Dakota and South Carolina are the first states to commit publicly to using Apple and Google's contact tracing technology in statewide apps meant to slow the spread of coronavirus.
The technology is designed to slow the spread of coronavirus by tracking who a person has been in close contact with. The technology uses a Bluetooth-based system that stores data on people's phones, not a central database. When someone officially tests positive for Covid-19, the system can send a notification to anyone who was recently near that person, telling them to contact their local health authority and get medical advice and a coronavirus test.
Apple and Google won't make the actual contact tracing apps, government health bodies will. 22 countries and some US states have requested and received access to the Apple-Google technology, the companies said. The technology is included in iPhone and Android updates released to the public on Wednesday. While several countries in Europe have said they will use the system, these are the first U.S. states to commit.
Apple and Google technology will be used in North Dakota's CARE19 app, and the South Carolina SC-Safer-Together app, according to statements distributed by the companies. Alabama's state health officer said that the state is "harnessing technology to accelerate exposure notification to slow the spread of COVID-19 so that we can all be safe together" in a statement.
"North Dakota is excited to be among the first states in the nation to utilize the exposure notification technology built by Apple and Google to help keep our citizens safe," North Dakota governor Doug Burgum said in a statement.
The Apple and Google approach was designed to protect users' privacy and limit the use of personal information in digital contact tracing.
The companies won't allow apps built with their technology to use GPS data, which can pinpoint a user's location, and won't allow governments to turn them on silently, company representatives said. The companies also say they will restrict governmental authorities to collecting the minimum amount of data necessary, and nobody will be able to use the data for advertising or other uses.
Without using the Apple and Google system, apps will have difficulty using Bluetooth to trace contacts, because both iOS and Android restrict the use of Bluetooth in the background. Apps that haven't used the Apple-Google system, like Singapore's Trace Together app, have run into battery life and usability issues.
The biggest challenge for these apps going forward is adoption. The more phones that opt-in to the system, the more successfully it can detect how the virus spreads. Apple and Google say that getting the public to trust the apps and opt-in is critical to the effort.
But some states, like Utah, have taken a different approach to digital contact tracing in which users can share specific location data with human contact tracers -- health employees who typically call up people who have tested positive or are at high-risk for contracting the virus. They argue that using more location data and a centralized approach will give more tools to public health departments than the anonymous Apple-Google system.
Some governments have changed their internal approaches to adopt the Apple-Google system. An early version of the North Dakota Care19 app used anonymized GPS location data and didn't use the Apple-Google Bluetooth technology, for example.
View the full site
Apple and Google's COVID-19 notification system won't work in a vaccum - The Verge
Thu, 21 May 2020 06:50
Last month, before Google and Apple announced their joint effort to enable COVID-19 exposure notifications, I wrote about the trouble with using Bluetooth-based solutions for contact tracing. Chief among the issues is getting a meaningful number of people to download any app in the first place, public health officials told me. And now that such apps are being released in the United States, we're seeing just how big a challenge that is.
Here's Caroline Haskins writing Tuesday in BuzzFeed:
Utah Gov. Gary Herbert said on April 22 that the app, Healthy Together, would be an integral part of getting the state back on its feet: ''This app will give public health workers information they need to understand and contain the pandemic and help Utahns get back to daily life.''
The state spent $2.75 million to purchase the app and is paying a monthly maintenance fee of $300,000, according to contracts obtained by BuzzFeed News. But as of May 18, just 45,000 of the state's 3.2 million people had downloaded Healthy Together, according to Twenty.
That's roughly 1.4 percent adoption, well below the 60 percent or so that public health officials say is necessary to make such exposure notifications effective. And it bodes ill for other states' efforts to distribute their own apps, particularly in a world where the federal response continues to be confused and even counterproductive.
But a new reason for hope arrived today, in the form of an official release of the Apple/Google exposure notification protocol. The system, which allows official public health apps to use system-level Bluetooth features to help identify potential new cases of COVID-19, is now available as an update to iOS and Android. Three states are working on projects so far, Russell Brandom reported today at The Verge:
Alabama is developing an app in connection with a team from the University of Alabama, while the Medical University of South Carolina is heading up a similar project in collaboration with the state's health agency.
Most notably, North Dakota is planning to incorporate the system into its Care19 app, which drew significant criticism from users in its early versions.
''As we respond to this unprecedented public health emergency, we invite other states to join us in leveraging smartphone technologies to strengthen existing contact tracing efforts,'' North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum said in a statement, ''which are critical to getting communities and economies back up and running.''
In a call with reporters today, Apple and Google said 22 countries have received API access to date. Later this year, an update to iOS and Android will allow people to begin participating in the program even if they haven't yet downloaded an official public health app.
But as we've discussed here before, the best-designed tech interventions won't be effective if they're not supported by contact tracing and isolation of new cases. So let's check in to see how we're doing on those fronts.
''Contact tracing'' was the name originally given to the Apple/Google initiative, before the companies acknowledged that what they were doing didn't quite live up to that standard. The term refers to getting in touch with people who may have been exposed to a disease and directing them to testing and other resources, and the current consensus view is that this work is best done by human beings. The Apple/Google system, which has been rebranded as ''exposure notification,'' is intended to augment the work of human contact tracers.
Around the United States and the world, public health departments are hiring people as contact tracers. Officials estimate that we will need at least 100,000 such workers in the United States, and by April 11,000 had already been hired. California and Massachusetts began hiring early; Illinois, Georgia, and Texas are among the states that have followed. There's clearly much more work to be done, and quickly, but here's a case where federal inaction hasn't totally stopped states from developing a response. (More federal money to hire contact tracers would help, though.)
And what about isolating new cases? This is the process whereby people infected with COVID-19 temporarily relocate to government-run facilities to receive care in an environment where they are unlikely to spread the disease to others. Israel and Denmark are among the countries that have been using such facilities. San Francisco, in a possible step toward a contact isolation program, has begun paying to house people who were homeless in hotels as a measure to reduce the spread of the disease.
Lyman Stone makes the case for rapid deployment of contact isolation in the Washington Post. He imagines a world in which people receive tickets for failing to comply with orders to isolate '-- but also one in which the facilities themselves are nice enough to get people to go along with the idea voluntarily:
This system also encourages compliance because the centralized facilities would provide isolated individuals with all their basic needs (plus daily supervision so they would get treatment if they become sick). Food and medication can be delivered, WiFi would be free, and governments should provide financial compensation for lost work time. And, since covid-19 is much less dangerous to kids, families could choose for their children to be quarantined with them or separately, whichever they prefer. All of this would require legislation by state governments, but none of it is infeasible.
Alas, contact isolation sounds scary to many people. It conjures images of internment, stigmatization or family separation. But the truth is that the curtailment of our liberties would be minuscule compared with the society-wide lockdowns Americans have been enduring.
At a time when all of us are looking for answers to the pandemic, an approach that combines testing, tracing, and isolation appears to be as close to a sure thing that we have, short of a vaccine. Caroline Chen looked at the research Tuesday in ProPublica:
Researchers in the U.K. used a model to simulate the effects of various mitigation and containment strategies. The researchers estimated that isolating symptomatic cases would reduce transmission by 32%. But combining isolation with manual contact tracing of all contacts reduced transmission by 61%. If contact tracing only could track down acquaintances, but not all contacts, transmission was still reduced by 57%.
A second study, which used a model based on the Boston metropolitan area, found that so long as 50% of symptomatic infections were identified and 40% of their contacts were traced, the ensuing reduction in transmission would be sufficient to allow the reopening of the economy without overloading the health care system. The researchers picked Boston because of the quality of available data, according to senior author Yamir Moreno, a professor at the institute for biocomputation and physics of complex systems at the University of Zaragoza in Spain. ''For other locations, these percentages will change, however, the fact that the best intervention is testing, contact tracing and quarantining remains,'' he said.
The Apple/Google collaboration represents a chance to use the companies' vast size and power to make a positive contribution to public health during a crisis. But it will only ever be one piece of the puzzle '-- and not necessarily one of the larger pieces, either. The good news is that we increasingly understand how COVID-19 can be brought under control. The open question is whether the United States government, to which we have entrusted the job of keeping us all safe, will do what is necessary to make it happen.
Virus trackerTotal cases in the US: More than 1,547,300
Total deaths in the US: At least 92,600
Reported cases in California: 84,449
Total test results (positive and negative) in California: 1,339,316
Reported cases in New York: 359,235
Total test results (positive and negative) in New York: 1,467,739
Reported cases in New Jersey: 150,399
Total test results (positive and negative) in New Jersey: 520,182
Reported cases in Illinois: 98,300
Total test results (positive and negative) in Illinois: 621,684
Data from The New York Times. Test data from The COVID Tracking Project.
Governing' Twitter won't add a ''misleading'' label to an article shared by Trump's campaign manager, Brad Parscale, that claims hydroxychloroquine has a ''90 percent chance of helping'' COVID-19 patients. Even though the claim is misleading, Twitter says it won't add a label because the link contains no direct call for action. Here's Adi Robertson at The Verge:
The incident is an early test of Twitter's expanding fight against misleading health information. This month, Twitter started labeling tweets that made false or disputed claims about the novel coronavirus, in addition to removing misinformation that could incite harm. A company spokesperson, however, said the tweet is ''currently not in violation of the Twitter Rules and does not qualify for labeling.'' Twitter says it's prioritizing tweets that contain a potentially harmful call to action; it's singled out messages that encouraged people to damage 5G cell towers, for instance. It says it won't step in to label all tweets that contain unverified or disputed information about the coronavirus.
So far, Facebook also hasn't made a call on whether the story violates its anti-misinformation rules. But a Facebook spokesperson told The Verge that the article would likely be eligible for fact-checking. The platform typically flags content that's rated entirely or partially false, warning users and reducing its reach.
China has launched a Twitter offensive in the COVID-19 information war. Twitter output from China's official sites has almost doubled since January, and the number of diplomatic Twitter accounts has tripled. In recent days, these accounts have been spreading a conspiracy theory that the virus came from a government lab in the US. (Anna Schecter / NBC)
Here's how ''Plandemic'' went from a niche conspiracy video about COVID-19 to a mainstream phenomenon. This account includes a blow-by-blow look at who shared what, and when. (Sheera Frenkel, Ben Decker and Davey Alba / The New York Times)
The Israeli surveillance firm NSO Group created a web domain that looked as if it belonged to Facebook to entice targets to click on links that would install the company's powerful phone hacking technology. Facebook is already suing the surveillance firm for leveraging a vulnerability in WhatsApp to let NSO clients remotely hack phones. (Joseph Cox / Vice)
Facebook hired Aparna Patrie, a Senate Judiciary attorney, to its public policy team amid ongoing antitrust scrutiny. Patrie served as committee counsel under Sen. Richard Blumenthal. (Keturah Hetrick / LegiStorm)
Google signed a deal with the US Department of Defense to build cloud technology designed to detect and respond to cyberthreats. The news comes two years after workers at the search giant protested Google's contract with the Pentagon for Project Maven, an initiative that used AI to improve analysis of drone footage. (Richard Nieva / CNET)
A judge in Singapore sentenced a man to death via a Zoom call for his role in a drug deal. It's one of just two known cases where a capital punishment verdict has been delivered remotely. (John Geddie / Reuters)
The rollout of Twitch's Safety Advisory Council has been a disaster. this piece argues. The group is supposed to advice on issues of safety and harassment, and one of the council members has already become the target of harassment since joining. (Nathan Grayson / Kotaku)
Industry' ByteDance's valuation has risen to more than $100 billion in recent private share transactions. The news reflects expectations that TikTok's parent company will keep pulling in new advertisers. Here's Bloomberg's Lulu Yilun Chen, Vinicy Chan, Katie Roof, and Zheping Huang:
''The trading of ByteDance is reflective of the global wave of consumers who agree that ByteDance can displace Facebook as the leading social network,'' said Andrea Walne, a partner at Manhattan Venture Partners who follows the secondary markets. [...]
ByteDance has grown into a potent online force propelled in part by a TikTok short video platform that's taken U.S. teenagers by storm. Investors are keen to grab a slice of a company that draws some 1.5 billion monthly active users to a family of apps that includes Douyin, TikTok's Chinese twin, as well as news service Toutiao. That's despite American lawmakers raising privacy and censorship concerns about its operation. This week, it poached Walt Disney Co. streaming czar Kevin Mayer to become chief executive officer of TikTok.
' Twitter is testing a way to let you limit how many people can reply to your tweets. If you're part of the test, when you compose a tweet, you'll be able to select if you'll allow replies from everyone, people you follow, or only people you @ mention. There are a lot of interesting implications here with regard harassment and abuse '-- and also free expression. Jay Peters at The Verge has the story:
Limiting who can reply to your tweets could help prevent abuse and harassment on the platform. By keeping replies to a limited set of people, in theory, you could have more thoughtful and focused conversations with people of your choosing without the risk of trolls jumping into the conversation. Facebook's new AI tool will automatically identify items people put up for sale. The company's ''universal product recognition model'' uses artificial intelligence to identify consumer goods, from furniture to fast fashion to fast cars. (James Vincent / The Verge)
Deutsche Bank analysts say Facebook's push into online shopping could generate a $30 billion jump in annual revenue. The company will make money off transaction fees, as well as a possible increase in advertising dollars. (Rob Price / Business Insider)
Mark Zuckerberg went on CBS to discuss Shops. The interview also gets into Facebook's responsibility to manage misinformation on the platform.
Facebook will limit offices to 25 percent occupancy, put people on shifts and require temperature checks when it lets employees back into workplaces in July. Staff will also have to wear masks in the office when not social distancing. (Mark Gurman and Kurt Wagner / Bloomberg)
Video chat tools like Meet, Zoom, BlueJeans serve as meeting emulators. They attempt to copy and repeat the form of the meeting, but don't capture the actual interactions, this writer argues. True! (Paul Ford / Wired)
Zoom suspended its free service to people in China. As of May 1st, individual free users can no longer host meetings on Zoom, but will still be able to join them. (Yifan Yu / Nikkei)
YouTube added bedtime reminders to help people log off late at night. The feature is part of a broader set of YouTube wellness and screen time tools released in 2018 as part of Google's Digital Wellbeing initiative. A charming throwback to the days when we cared about screen time. (Nick Statt / The Verge)
The secure messaging app Signal added PINs, a new feature to help people move their profiles across devices. The move is intended to make the company less reliant on phone numbers as its users' primary identification. (Bijan Stephen / The Verge)
People are hiding their social distance lapses from social media, a reversal of the typical use of Instagram where people once bragged about their social activities. All the secret quarantine relationships happening right now will make for a great Netflix series in 2025. (Kaitlyn Tiffany / The Atlantic)
Students are failing AP tests because the College Board testing portal doesn't support the default photo format on iPhones. Students now have to spend weeks studying before retaking the test. Interfaces are important! Someone should start a newsletter about them! (Monica Chin / The Verge)
Things to doStuff to occupy you online during the quarantine.
Update your phone. You'll need to have the latest version of iOS or Android to begin participating in exposure notification.
Check out beloved satirical website Clickhole, which returned on Wednesday under its new ownership.
Play Crucible, the first big video game developed by Amazon. The Verge's Nick Statt found the shooter derivative but uniquely enjoyable.
And finally...The joke in the above tweet is that Twitter disabled replies using the new audience-limiting features it unveiled today. Related joke:
Talk to usSend us tips, comments, questions, and exposure notifications: casey@theverge.com and zoe@theverge.com.
Flynn
EXCLUSIVE: The Treasury Department Spied on Flynn, Manafort, and the Trump Family, Says Whistleblower - The Ohio Star
Tue, 19 May 2020 11:56
President Barack Obama's Treasury Department regularly surveilled retired Army Lt. Gen. Michael T. Flynn's financial records and transactions beginning in December 2015 and well into 2017, before, during and after when he served at the White House as President Donald Trump's National Security Director, a former senior Treasury Department official, and veteran of the intelligence community, told the Star Newspapers.
''I started seeing things that were not correct, so I did my own little investigation, because I wanted to make sure what I was seeing was correct'' she said. ''You never want to draw attention to something if there is not anything there.''
The whistleblower said she only saw metadata, that is names and dates when the general's financial records were accessed. ''I never saw what they saw.''
By March 2016, the whistleblower said she and a colleague, who was detailed to Treasury from the intelligence community, became convinced that the surveillance of Flynn was not tied to legitimate criminal or national security concerns, but was straight-up political surveillance among other illegal activity occurring at Treasury.
''When I showed it to her, what she said, 'Oh, sh%t!' and I knew right then and there that I was right '' this was some shady stuff,'' the whistleblower said.
''It wasn't just him,'' the whistleblower said. ''They were targeting other U.S. citizens, as well.''
Only two names are listed in the whistleblower's official paperwork, so the others must remain sealed, she said. The second name is Paul J. Manafort Jr., the one-time chairman of Trump's 2016 presidential campaign.
The other names include: Members of Congress, the most senior staffers on the 2016 Trump campaign and members of Trump's family, she said.
''Another thing they would do is take targeted names from a certain database '' I cannot name, but you can guess '' and they were going over to an unclassified database and they were running those names in the unclassified database,'' she said.
This ruse was to get around using classified resources to surveil Americans, she said. Once the Treasury personnel had enough information about someone they were targeting from the black box, they would go to the white box for faster and more informed search.
It was routine for these searches that had no criminal nor national security predicate, merely a political predicate, she said.
Complaint filed with Treasury Inspector General
In March 2017, she filed a formal whistleblower complaint with Acting Treasury Inspector General Richard K. Delmar, who continues in that office today, she said. Beyond Delmar acknowledging receipt of the complaint, the inspector general never followed up on the matter.
This formal complaint was a follow-up to an August 2016 notification to Delmar that did not meet the full requirements of formal complaint, but it provided Delmar with the details of Treasury's surveillance of Flynn, she said.
The whistleblower filed a subsequent complaint with the Office of Special Counsel May 2017, which is the permanent office established to work with whistleblowers and is not related to Special Counsel Robert Mueller.
This surveillance program was run out of Treasury's Office of Intelligence Analysis, which was then under the leadership of S. Leslie Ireland. Ireland came to OIA in 2010 after a long tenure at the Central Intelligence Agency and a one-year stint as Obama's daily in-person intelligence briefer.
The whistleblower said Treasury should never have been part of the unmasking of Flynn, because its surveillance operation was off-the-books. That is to say, the Justice Department never gave the required approval to the Treasury program, and so there were no guidelines, approvals nor reports that would be associated with a DOJ-sanctioned domestic surveillance operation.
''Accessing this information without approved and signed attorney general guidelines would violate U.S. persons constitutional rights and civil liberties,'' she said.
''IC agencies have to adhere to Executive Order 12333, or as it is known in the community: E.O. 12-Triple-Three. Just because OIA does not have signed guidelines does not give them the power or right to operate as they want, if you want information on a U.S. person then work with the FBI on a Title III, if it is a U.S. person involved with a foreign entity then follow the correct process for a FISA, but without signed AG guidelines you cannot even get started,'' she said. Title III refers to the FBI authority to electronically surveil Americans.
Top Obama Treasury officials among those who unmasked Flynn
Because the intercepts from Flynn's Dec. 29, 2016 phone call with the Russian ambassador Sergei were captured by an entity other than Treasury, Patrick Conlon, the OIA director, who succeeded Ireland, was on the list of 37 Obama administration officials who either requested that Flynn's name be unmasked or were shown the unmasked surveillance product.
Conlon accessed the Flynn file Dec. 14, 2016.
There must have been some kind of meeting that day. These are all of the other Treasury Department officials looking at Flynn that day: Secretary Jacob Lew, Acting Assistant Secretary for Intelligence and Analysis A. Daniel ''Danny'' McGlynn, Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary for Intelligence and Analysis Michael Neufeld, Deputy Secretary Sarah Raskin, Under Secretary Nathan Sheets and Acting Under Secretary Adam Szubin.
Lew is the only one who made the list again, this time Jan. 12, 2017 '' and if his deputy's name sounds familiar, Raskin is the wife of Rep. Jamin B. ''Jamie'' Raskin (D.-Md.), one of the House Prosecutors, who argued for the removal of Trump after his impeachment. The congressman's wife was also an Obama-appointed Federal Reserve governor.
'' '' ''
Neil W. McCabe is a Washington-based national political reporter for The Tennessee Star and The Star News Network. In addition to the Star Newspapers, he has covered the White House, Capitol Hill and national politics for One America News, Breitbart, Human Events and Townhall. Before coming to Washington, he was a staff reporter for Boston's Catholic paper, The Pilot, and the editor of two Boston-area community papers, The Somerville News and The Alewife. McCabe is a public affairs NCO in the Army Reserve and he deployed for 15 months to Iraq as a combat historian.
Secondary Confirmation '' Treasury Whistleblower Complaint Aligns Directly With President Obama's Political Surveillance Activity'... | The Last Refuge
Tue, 19 May 2020 11:56
An exclusive Treasury Department whistleblower outline in the Ohio Star is almost an absolute match to our research {Go Deep} on how President Obama constructed the political surveillance network during his second term.
According to the article in mid-December 2015 the Treasury whistleblower started noticing data-search transactions with the Treasury Dept. for specific people that aligned with the 2016 GOP primary. The searches included Michael Flynn, Paul Manafort, Donald Trump and his family as well as certain members of congress.
[(L-R) Denis McDonough, Joe Biden, President Obama, Tom Donolin, Jack Lew]
The complaint outlines an unnamed database [likely NSA] was used as the first search mechanism. After initial data was extracted the results were then used to transfer more specific searches to the Treasury dept. The level of detail within the whistleblower complaint is eerily familiar to our own research based on declassified records.
OHIO STAR '' ['...] By March 2016, the whistleblower said she and a colleague, who was detailed to Treasury from the intelligence community, became convinced that the surveillance of Flynn was not tied to legitimate criminal or national security concerns, but was straight-up political surveillance among other illegal activity occurring at Treasury.
''When I showed it to her, what she said, 'Oh, sh%t!' and I knew right then and there that I was right '' this was some shady stuff,'' the whistleblower said.
''It wasn't just him,'' the whistleblower said. ''They were targeting other U.S. citizens, as well.''
Only two names are listed in the whistleblower's official paperwork, so the others must remain sealed, she said. The second name is Paul J. Manafort Jr., the one-time chairman of Trump's 2016 presidential campaign.
The other names include: Members of Congress, the most senior staffers on the 2016 Trump campaign and members of Trump's family, she said.
''Another thing they would do is take targeted names from a certain database '' I cannot name, but you can guess '' and they were going over to an unclassified database and they were running those names in the unclassified database,'' she said.
This ruse was to get around using classified resources to surveil Americans, she said. Once the Treasury personnel had enough information about someone they were targeting from the black box, they would go to the white box for faster and more informed search.
It was routine for these searches that had no criminal nor national security predicate, merely a political predicate, she said. (read more)
What is described in that article is exactly what our own research discovered as we overlaid numerous declassified reports from the NSA, FISA Court, and testimony to congress around the previous use of the IRS to target political opposition.
The FISA court identified and quantified tens-of-thousands of search queries of the NSA/FBI database using the FISA-702(16)(17) system. The database was repeatedly used by persons with contractor access who unlawfully searched and extracted the raw results without redacting the information and shared it with an unknown number of entities.
['...] There is little doubt the FISA-702(16)(17) database system was used by Obama-era officials, from 2012 through April 2016, as a way to spy on their political opposition.
Quite simply there is no other intellectually honest explanation for the scale and volume of database abuse that was taking place; and keep in mind these searches were all ruled to be unlawful. Searches for repeated persons over a period time that were not authorized.
This whistleblower complaint simply makes sense.
We know Jack Lew was moved from President Obama's White House to the position of Treasury Secretary specifically because the IRS targeting became public. As Treasury Secretary Mr. Lew was in position to keep damaging information from surfacing.
Political spying 1.0 was actually the weaponization of the IRS. This is where the term ''Secret Research Project'' originated as a description from the Obama team. It involved the U.S. Department of Justice under Eric Holder and the FBI under Robert Mueller. It never made sense why Eric Holder requested over 1 million tax records via CD ROM, until overlaying the timeline of the FISA abuse:
The IRS sent the FBI ''21 disks constituting a 1.1 million page database of information from 501(c)(4) tax exempt organizations, to the Federal Bureau of Investigation.'' The transaction occurred in October 2010 (link)
Why disks? Why send a stack of DISKS to the DOJ and FBI when there's a pre-existing financial crimes unit within the IRS. All of the evidence within this sketchy operation came directly to the surface in early spring 2012.
The IRS scandal was never really about the IRS, it was always about the DOJ asking the IRS for the database of information. That is why it was transparently a conflict when the same DOJ was tasked with investigating the DOJ/IRS scandal.
Additionally, Obama sent his chief-of-staff Jack Lew to become Treasury Secretary; effectively placing an ally to oversee/cover-up any issues. As Treasury Secretary Lew did just that.
['...] The timeline reflects a few months after realizing the ''Secret Research Project'' was now worthless (June 2012), they focused more deliberately on a smaller network within the intelligence apparatus and began weaponizing the FBI/NSA database.
Sometime around the summer of 2012 the Obama administration shifted from direct searches of the Treasury IRS files, to using contractor access to the NSA database as a way to conduct political surveillance and export search results without any minimization.
The process of exploiting the NSA database continued for years until March 2016 when a severe uptick in activity, coinciding with candidate Donald Trump becoming the presumptive GOP nominee, flagged the NSA database auditor.
Early in 2016 NSA Director Admiral Mike Rogers was alerted of a significant uptick in FISA-702(17) ''About'' queries using the FBI/NSA database that holds all metadata records on every form of electronic communication.
The NSA compliance officer alerted Admiral Mike Rogers who then initiated a full compliance audit on/around March 9th, 2016, for the period of November 1st, 2015, through May 1st, 2016.
While the audit was ongoing, due to the severity of the results that were identified, Admiral Mike Rogers stopped anyone from using the 702(17) ''about query'' option, and went to the extraordinary step of blocking all FBI contractor access to the database on April 18, 2016
It just makes sense the exported contractor results from database access would then transfer to non-classified (Treasury) searches on other networks for more details. That process is exactly what the Treasury whistleblower is outlining.
Here's the full background story.
Supreme Court blocks release of Mueller grand jury documents to House - CNNPolitics
Wed, 20 May 2020 17:35
By Ariane de Vogue, CNN Supreme Court Reporter
Updated 4:39 PM EDT, Wed May 20, 2020
Washington(CNN) The Supreme Court on Wednesday temporarily blocked the release of former special counsel Robert Mueller's grand jury material to the Democratic-led House of Representatives.
The House Judiciary Committee has been attempting to obtain the documents that the special counsel's prosecutors collected from witnesses about President Donald Trump, and the ruling continues the fight between the White House and Congress over subpoena power.
The material at issue includes portions of Mueller's report that were redacted to protect grand jury information and underlying grand jury testimony and exhibits that related to certain individuals and events described in the report.
The White House and Justice Department had asked the Supreme Court to block the release of the material to give them time to file a full appeal.
In the brief, unsigned order, the justices set out a time period asking for briefs by June 1. Such a timeline suggests they will decide before this term ends whether to take up the case.
There were no noted dissents.
A federal appeals court in March sided with the Judiciary Committee, saying that lawmakers had a "compelling need" to view the secretive details.
The Justice Department asked the Supreme Court to block the release of the materials, arguing it would suffer "irreparable harm" if it had to turn over the grand jury records before lawyers could file their appeal, since the documents will have already been released to Congress.
The House originally requested the material more than a year ago, and in court papers filed with the Supreme Court on Monday, a lawyer for the House said that the "Committee's impeachment investigation related to obstruction of justice pertaining to the Russia investigation is ongoing."
"If this material reveals new evidence supporting the conclusion that President Trump committed impeachable offenses," said Douglas Letter, the House general counsel, "the Committee will proceed accordingly -- including, if necessary, by considering whether to recommend new articles of impeachment."
But Letter said he feared that if the Supreme Court ultimately agrees to take up the case, it will be months before a decision is rendered, threatening the committee's ability to complete its impeachment investigation during the current Congress.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell cited the court filing Wednesday in accusing Democrats of running a "perpetual investigation, perpetual impeachment."
This story has been updated with additional details of the Supreme Court's actions.
CNN's Ali Zaslav, Marshall Cohen and Katelyn Polantz contributed to this report.
China
China seems to have infiltrated Canada's highest intelligence agency '' and it's not the first time
Sun, 17 May 2020 15:56
Former CIA officer and counterintelligence expert Brad Johnson. (Photo courtesy of Brad Johnson).
As is all too common these days, a major event took place back in September of 2019 that has disappeared from any public notice and the deep significance left underreported. A potential Chinese spy infiltrated the highest levels of the Canadian intelligence service which is part of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) . The implications extend far beyond the borders of Canada because of their membership in the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing network that includes the United States, Australia, New Zealand and Britain. Five Eyes is a special network of countries that share top-secret and classified material together against common foes such as terrorists.
The RCMP is similar to the FBI in the sense that they have both law enforcement responsibilities and counter-intelligence responsibilities and for this reason the Canadian National Intelligence Coordination Centre is part of the RCMP and responsible for intelligence issues.
In September of this past year, a very senior level Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) official named Cameron Ortis was arrested for a number of charges including one under the security information law, which is used to prosecute espionage cases. At the time of his arrest, Mr. Ortis was the director-general of the RCMP's National Intelligence Coordination Centre. As such he had almost unlimited access to both Canadian intelligence and the large volumes of classified information shared by the Five Eyes allies.
Mr. Ortis was also the national security advisor for former RCMP Commissioner (a position similar to the FBI director) Bob Paulson. Paulson served as commissioner from 2011-2017. Some of the charges against Mr. Ortis go back as far as 2015 which means he was likely spying for China from at least 2015 and perhaps much longer. It has been reported that Mr. Ortis was issued technical devices for secret communication but no one has reported on the significance of this fact. In the trade, a secret communications device would be called CovCom or a covert communications device. Chinese intelligence would not supply this kind of device to Mr. Ortis if they did not consider him to be fully vetted and a trusted spy. That means he gave them everything he could get his hands on.
Mr. Ortis has a certificate in internet systems administration and a doctorate in international relations from the University of British Columbia and is the only civilian to be made director general of intelligence. He also worked with FINTRAC, (Financial Transactions and Reports Analysis Centre of Canada). Mr. Ortis was an East Asia/China specialist and speaks Mandarin. The beginning of the end for Mr. Ortis came from a 2018 criminal case which provided clues to a leak of classified intelligence information from Canada. The FBI and RCMP joined forced for the investigation and quickly identified Mr. Ortis as the prime suspect and would have used sophisticated surveillance techniques as part of their investigation leading to the arrest in September.
Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has done what he can to downplay the damage done by Mr. Ortis and perhaps more telling, Prime Minister Trudeau has suppressed the news that this was another devastating blow to the Five Eyes program and Canada dealt out by China. Canada already received a warning back in 2013 that unless it tightened security procedures, Five Eyes would withhold the shared classified information.
Ortis would have had full access to the true identities of RCMP undercover law enforcement officers serving domestically and the details of the operation as well as RCMP intelligence agents serving abroad and the details of those operations. As the director-general of the RCMP's National Intelligence Coordination Centre he would have had full access to all the classified information shared by the Five Eyes alliance. The Five Eyes partnership is robust and the extent of classified intelligence information shared and its value are almost unmeasurable. This is only exceeded by the depth of the damage done to worldwide intelligence operations when Mr. Ortis passed this information to China.
This is far from the first Chinese intelligence success in Canada. As recently as July of 2019, Canadian authorities removed Xiangguo Qiu, her biologist husband Keding Cheng, and an unknown number of her students from the only level IV lab in Winnipeg, Canada because of their cooperation with China. Again, the extent of the Chinese intelligence success was downplayed and the case referred to as an ''administrative matter'' and sent to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. Qiu is known for her viral research including on a treatment for the Ebola virus and on the SARS virus, which is the same family of virus as COVID-19. The Canadian Security Intelligence Service has long warned of state-sponsored espionage and has noted China as a particular problem.
There have been any number of warnings about aggressive Chinese intelligence operations from the FBI counter-intelligence offices and a number of other services around the world, not to mention the high number of individuals arrested or imprisoned for spying for China. While there is wide reporting on the Chinese penetration and infiltration of many Western governments, the US Intelligence Community (IC) and our allies are sorely lagging behind defending against this aggression. The IC needs to kick into high gear and lead the free world in a good offense to provide that defense we are so lacking. We can start with a defensive briefing for each of the 50 States that are currently being individually targeted by China.
Brad Johnson retired as a Senior Operations Officer and Chief of Station with the Central Intelligence Agency's Directorate of Operations. He has served domestically and abroad with numerous assignments often during periods of armed conflict. He has served overseas in direct support of the War against Terrorism. Mr. Johnson is a certified senior expert in Counterintelligence issues with extensive direct experience in the field. He is a senior expert in surveillance and surveillance detection issues. He has proven expertise in dangerous operational environments with the highest level of training and extensive direct experience in tradecraft for dangerous areas. His proven expertise also extends to denied operational environments (most difficult and restrictive) with the highest levels of training offered anywhere in the USG or the world and extensive direct experience. Mr. Johnson has served overseas as Chief of Station multiple times. He is an enrolled member of The Cherokee Nation, a Federally Recognized Tribe and is currently the President of Americans for Intelligence Reform.
All opinion articles are the opinion of the author and not necessarily of American Military News. If you are interested in submitting an Op-Ed, please email [email protected]
How China's Belt and Road Initiative Went Astray '' The Diplomat
Mon, 18 May 2020 07:59
China Power | Economy | East Asia In taking on geopolitical overtones, the BRI has become alienated from its original economic purpose.
Credit: Flickr/ Recon Asia AdvertisementThe most fundamental reason for China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) lies in optimizing China's domestic economic development model, economic structure, and industrial sector, as well as solving the historical problems left over after the rapid development of the Chinese economy from 2000 to 2010.
However, seven years after it was first announced, the continued advancement of the BRI is facing increasing resistance. In practice, the development of the entire initiative has deviated from the original strategic goal, as seen through two points. First, resource investment between the ''Silk Road Economic Belt'' (the ''Belt'') and the ''Maritime Silk Road'' (the ''Road'') is too unbalanced. In other words, the Maritime Silk Road has monopolized too many policies and material resources. Second, the implementation of the BRI overemphasizes ''infrastructure connectivity.'' As a result, the original grand and all-encompassing national strategy degenerated into a simple juxtaposition of ''state-owned enterprises plus infrastructure.'' Most importantly, the alienation of the BRI from its original goals poses huge challenges to the development prospects of the entire project.
First, the unbalanced resource distribution between the Belt and Road has caused the entire plan to lose its original geographical significance and brought unnecessary international pressure to China. A traditional land power, China is developing the Maritime Silk Road in an attempt to integrate itself into the current ''sea power'' system. This urge is understandable, yet such an attempt will inevitably attract anxiety and attention from the United States, the world's largest sea power. Once the United States and Europe reach a final consensus on China's future strategic intentions, China will likely fall into a passive situation of isolation in the international scene.
Second, the imbalance between the Belt and Road resource allocations prevents the northwest and southwest regions of China from fully participating in the BRI, which is not conducive to solving the regional development inequalities within the country. Due to the huge gap in development levels, western provinces in China must have a certain degree of policy support if they are to achieve leapfrog development, and this policy support must go beyond the previous level. However, because the overland, westward-bound ''Belt'' part of the BRI has not been fully developed, the impact of the BRI on these western provinces is still limited. Instead, the Maritime Silk Road, which will benefit the already-rich coastal provinces of eastern China, is being prioritized.
Third, the ''state-owned enterprise plus infrastructure'' model makes the entire BRI less and less sustainable at the economic level as the risk of debt continues to increase. According to OECD data, as of the second quarter of 2018, China's non-performing assets in the BRI have reached $101.8 billion. Take Sri Lanka's Hambantota Port as an example. Although the existence of overseas ports does have certain strategic significance, from an economic point of view it has not been a success thus far. As of the end of 2016 the cumulative losses of the port had reached $340 million, and it is still unrealistic for Hambantota Port to turn that loss into a profit in the short term. Similar cases are quite common in the current BRI.
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Fourth, the current ''state-owned enterprise plus infrastructure'' model does not provide much substantive help to solve China's domestic overcapacity, promote industrial upgrading, and tackle other economic legacy issues. Taking the steel industry as an example, China's monthly steel production in June 2019 reached 87.54 million tons. In the same period, the steel output of the United States was only 7.514 million tons and that of the European Union was 13.641 million tons. It is not difficult to see that, although China has consumed some of its surplus production capacity in the construction of the BRI, this consumption is mechanical and cannot provide sufficient power for upgrading China's industrial structure.
Comparing the initial strategic background of the BRI and its current development trend, we believe that the BRI is at a crucial point of decisive significance. China has to address this problem squarely and make appropriate policy responses in a timely manner to correct and adjust course.
Founder of Anbound Think Tank in 1993, Chan Kung is now ANBOUND Chief Researcher. Chan Kung is one of China's renowned experts in information analysis. Most of Chan Kung's research focuses on economic information analysis, particularly public policy.
AdvertisementYu (Tony) Pan serves as the associate research fellow and the research assistant of Chen Gong. He obtained his master's degree at George Washington University's Elliott School of International Affairs and his bachelor's degree from the University of International Business and Economics in Beijing.
HCQ
Pharmacy Board Loosens Restrictions on Hydroxychloroquine Prescriptions, Reversing Course | The Texan
Mon, 18 May 2020 00:13
WATCH: Dr. Robin Armstrong Explains Use of Hydroxychloroquine to Treat Coronavirus
Dr. Ivette Lozano, who has been in medical practice for over 20 years, was shocked to learn in March that she would be required to share her patient's diagnosis with the pharmacist before prescriptions for hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin would be dispensed.
On March 20, the Texas State Board of Pharmacy issued a new rule that no prescriptions for hydroxychloroquine or azithromycin could be dispensed without a diagnosis ''consistent with evidence for its use.''
''Never before have we had to turn in a diagnosis with a prescription,'' Lozano told The Texan . Lozano has seen about five to six patients per week for coronavirus. ''They see a dramatic improvement within six to eight hours,'' Lozano said.
Health care attorney Matt Rinaldi said doctors have called him concerned about the requirement. He said the rule does not violate HIPAA regulations because patient information can be shared for treatment purposes.
''HIPAA is the bare minimum standard of privacy that patients expect, however,'' Rinaldi added.
The Texas State Board of Pharmacy published the rule on its website with the explanation that it was meant to prevent hoarding of the medications during the coronavirus crisis.
''We had pharmacists calling early on saying that people were asking for 400 tablets on some prescriptions. The Board members gave this guidance to pharmacists,'' Allison Benz, executive director of the Texas State Board of Pharmacy told The Texan .
The rule was not guidance, but a mandate. It also included a 14-day supply limitation unless the patient was previously established on the medication. Hydroxychloroquine is often used to treat lupus and rheumatoid arthritis.
On average, Lozano issues a prescription for COVID-19 treatment to last five days, about ten pills each of hydroxychloroquine, azithromycin, and zinc. She said she learned about the treatment from one of President Trump's press conferences and began investigating it.
Because of her concern for patient privacy that seemed incompatible with the unprecedented rule, Lozano contacted State Senator Bob Hall to ask for help reaching the Texas State Board of Pharmacy. Hall was concerned about the rule that seemed to be inhibiting the dispensing of these potentially life-saving prescriptions.
''In a few months, we may discover places where this combination could have saved a significant number of lives, but we had deaths because it was not used,'' Hall told The Texan.
Additionally, he is concerned about ''collusion between the pharmacy board and pharmaceutical companies who want to prevent the use of an inexpensive drug while they develop a new, expensive drug.''
Hall said he contacted the Board of Pharmacy commissioners, executive director, and attorney about having the restriction removed.
Over six weeks after the original rule was published, the Texas State Board of Pharmacy has recently changed its guidance to pharmacists about dispensing hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin.
The website now says, ''The rule does not prevent a physician from prescribing one of these drugs for an off-label use. Please note, the intended use for the drug is not required if the practitioner determines the furnishing of this information is not in the best interest of the patient'...''
The Texas Medical Association as of April 22 ''recommends against using hydroxychloroquine plus azithromycin to treat COVID-19'' except in clinical trials.
In Galveston, Dr. Robin Armstrong made waves when he reported the successful use of the treatment with many patients in a nursing home center in Galveston.
Disclosure: Unlike almost every other media outlet, The Texan is not beholden to any special interests, does not apply for any type of state or federal funding, and relies exclusively on its readers for financial support. If you'd like to become one of the people we're financially accountable to, click here to subscribe.
Trump says he's been taking hydroxychloraquine drug he touted for COVID-19 - ABC News
Mon, 18 May 2020 15:55
In a surprise, he said he's been taking the drug despite having no symptoms.
May 18, 2020, 4:42 PM ET
3 min read
President Donald Trump on Monday revealed to reporters he's been taking hydroxychloroquine, the anti-malaria drug he's touted as a possible "game changer" treatment for COVID-19.
He said he asked the White House doctor if he could take it despite having no symptoms, adding he's been taking a pill a day for about a week-and-a-half.
President Donald Trump speaks during a meeting with restaurant industry executives about the coronavirus response, in the State Dining Room of the White House, May 18, 2020. Evan Vucci/AP"I'm still fine," he said, referring to possible dangerous side effects.
The FDA last month specifically warned against taking hydroxychloroquine ''outside of a hospital setting or a clinical trial due to risk of heart rhythm problems.''
"I asked him, 'What do you think? he said, referring to his conversation with the White House physician. "'Well if you'd like it.'" I said, 'Yeah I'd like it. I'd like to take it. A lot of people to take it a lot of frontline workers are taking hydroxychloroquine, a lot of front," Trump claimed. "So, I'm taking the to the zinc and the hydroxy. And all I can tell you is, so far I seem to be okay."
The president said he's received "a lot of positive letters" offering good feedback of hydroxychloroquine and insisted even if it's not effective, it's not, he claimed: "You're not going to get sick or die."
"And it seems to have an impact -- and maybe it does, maybe it doesn't -- but if it doesn't, you're not going to get sick or die. This is a, a pill that's been used for a long time for 30, 40 years on the malaria and or lupus to, and even on arthritis I guess from what I understand, so it's been heavily tested in terms of," Trump said.
''What do you have to lose,'' Trump said.
When surprised asked if he were taking it because he's exhibited symptoms, the president replied, "Zero symptoms."
The president told reporters that he was "just waiting to see your eyes light up when I said this," adding he had taken it for about a week and a half -- "and I'm still here. I'm still here can you explain to you."
"At some point I'll stop. What I'd like to do is I'd like to have the cure and/or the vaccine and that'll happen, I think first," he added.
The FDA has warned of serious side effects of the drug currently unapproved to treat COVID-19, though touted by the White House.
This is a developing story. Please check back for updates.
Association of Treatment With Hydroxychloroquine or Azithromycin With In-Hospital Mortality in Patients With COVID-19 in New York State | Infectious Diseases | JAMA | JAMA Network
Tue, 19 May 2020 11:56
Key PointsQuestion Among patients with coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), is there an association between use of hydroxychloroquine, with or without azithromycin, and in-hospital mortality?
Findings In a retrospective cohort study of 1438 patients hospitalized in metropolitan New York, compared with treatment with neither drug, the adjusted hazard ratio for in-hospital mortality for treatment with hydroxychloroquine alone was 1.08, for azithromycin alone was 0.56, and for combined hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin was 1.35. None of these hazard ratios were statistically significant.
Meaning Among patients hospitalized with COVID-19, treatment with hydroxychloroquine, azithromycin, or both was not associated with significantly lower in-hospital mortality.
Importance Hydroxychloroquine, with or without azithromycin, has been considered as a possible therapeutic agent for patients with coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). However, there are limited data on efficacy and associated adverse events.
Objective To describe the association between use of hydroxychloroquine, with or without azithromycin, and clinical outcomes among hospital inpatients diagnosed with COVID-19.
Design, Setting, and Participants Retrospective multicenter cohort study of patients from a random sample of all admitted patients with laboratory-confirmed COVID-19 in 25 hospitals, representing 88.2% of patients with COVID-19 in the New York metropolitan region. Eligible patients were admitted for at least 24 hours between March 15 and 28, 2020. Medications, preexisting conditions, clinical measures on admission, outcomes, and adverse events were abstracted from medical records. The date of final follow-up was April 24, 2020.
Exposures Receipt of both hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin, hydroxychloroquine alone, azithromycin alone, or neither.
Main Outcomes and Measures Primary outcome was in-hospital mortality. Secondary outcomes were cardiac arrest and abnormal electrocardiogram findings (arrhythmia or QT prolongation).
Results Among 1438 hospitalized patients with a diagnosis of COVID-19 (858 [59.7%] male, median age, 63 years), those receiving hydroxychloroquine, azithromycin, or both were more likely than those not receiving either drug to have diabetes, respiratory rate >22/min, abnormal chest imaging findings, O2 saturation lower than 90%, and aspartate aminotransferase greater than 40 U/L. Overall in-hospital mortality was 20.3% (95% CI, 18.2%-22.4%). The probability of death for patients receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin was 189/735 (25.7% [95% CI, 22.3%-28.9%]), hydroxychloroquine alone, 54/271 (19.9% [95% CI, 15.2%-24.7%]), azithromycin alone, 21/211 (10.0% [95% CI, 5.9%-14.0%]), and neither drug, 28/221 (12.7% [95% CI, 8.3%-17.1%]). In adjusted Cox proportional hazards models, compared with patients receiving neither drug, there were no significant differences in mortality for patients receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin (HR, 1.35 [95% CI, 0.76-2.40]), hydroxychloroquine alone (HR, 1.08 [95% CI, 0.63-1.85]), or azithromycin alone (HR, 0.56 [95% CI, 0.26-1.21]). In logistic models, compared with patients receiving neither drug cardiac arrest was significantly more likely in patients receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin (adjusted OR, 2.13 [95% CI, 1.12-4.05]), but not hydroxychloroquine alone (adjusted OR, 1.91 [95% CI, 0.96-3.81]) or azithromycin alone (adjusted OR, 0.64 [95% CI, 0.27-1.56]), . In adjusted logistic regression models, there were no significant differences in the relative likelihood of abnormal electrocardiogram findings.
Conclusions and Relevance Among patients hospitalized in metropolitan New York with COVID-19, treatment with hydroxychloroquine, azithromycin, or both, compared with neither treatment, was not significantly associated with differences in in-hospital mortality. However, the interpretation of these findings may be limited by the observational design.
The novel coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has resulted in the deaths of more than 248'¯000 persons worldwide as of May 4, 2020.1,2 In the US, New York State has the largest disease and mortality burden.3 As of May 4, 2020, more than 318'¯000 positive cases have been identified in New York and more than 19'¯400 individuals have died.4
Research is under way to identify vaccines and therapeutics for COVID-19, including repurposing of medications. Based on evidence from in vitro studies on the suppression of activity of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) and other coronavirus strains, interest increased in the use of hydroxychloroquine and chloroquine with the possible addition of azithromycin for the treatment of COVID-19.5-9 However, research has been limited by outcomes assessed, short follow-up, exclusion of patients still admitted, small sample size, and types of patients studied. Few studies have evaluated adverse events potentially linked to the use of hydroxychloroquine or chloroquine and azithromycin in patients with COVID-19, including electrophysiological cardiac conditions of prolonged QT and arrhythmia.10-13 Based on available evidence, the US Food and Drug Administration authorized the emergency use of strategic national stockpile hydroxychloroquine and chloroquine in hospitalized patients when clinical trials were unavailable or not possible.14
Although randomized double-blind clinical trials are the optimal study design, given the urgent need to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic in New York an observational study was implemented to evaluate the clinical outcomes and adverse effects associated with hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin therapies for COVID-19. This multicenter retrospective cohort study used data from the State Health Information Network for NY (SHIN-NY), the state's public health information exchange network connecting New York State hospitals, supplemented by medical record reviews by trained chart abstractors. The aim was to understand prescribing patterns of hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin in hospitalized patients with COVID-19 and the association of these drugs with mortality and possible adverse events.
This study received exempt status from the New York State Department of Health institutional review board as a secondary analysis of identifiable data originally collected for nonresearch purposes.
We analyzed a random sample of inpatients with laboratory-confirmed COVID-19 admitted to hospitals in the New York City (NYC) metropolitan region between March 15 and 28, 2020, during which time a rapid rise in COVID-19 hospitalizations was occurring. The region had 88.3% of COVID-19 cases in New York State at that time.4 This 2-week sampling period was selected to ensure a sufficient number of patients whose discharge status was determined (alive or deceased), to afford sufficient follow-up time for patients still admitted, and to allow for a relatively balanced sample size between treatment (hydroxychloroquine with or without azithromycin) and comparison (no hydroxychloroquine) groups.
The New York State Department of Health electronic laboratory file of all reported COVID-19 cases was matched with the SHIN-NY data to create a list of all patients with laboratory-confirmed COVID-19 admitted during the sampling period to hospitals in NYC, Nassau County, Suffolk County, and all but one hospital in Westchester County. From this data set we established a sampling frame of all patients at 25 hospitals (88.2% of patients in the region) with a high volume of patients with COVID-19, defined as at least 45 discharges during the sampling period.
Patients were selected by hospital-stratified random sampling and their records were requested from each hospital, with additional records requested to allow removal due to ineligible and delayed records. Because full records are not available from hospitals until patient discharge or death, the cohort was assembled through 2 record requests on April 1 and 16 as patients were discharged or died. Data for the remaining 11% of those patients still admitted on April 12 were abstracted through patient portals of the 2 SHIN-NY qualified entities (Figure 1).
Records were abstracted between April 9 and 27 by a trained team of 12 nurses and 6 epidemiologists, under physician supervision, into a standardized digital form, based on a modified Centers for Disease Prevention and Control (CDC) COVID-19 abstraction form, and underwent daily quality-control checks (Supplement 1).15 Following exclusion for reasons including discharge within 24 hours and chart too incomplete for review (Figure 1), a final sample of 1438 was obtained.
Information was collected on COVID-19 diagnosis, patient demographics, preexisting medical conditions, initial vital signs and laboratory test results within 24 hours of admission, and chest imaging findings to describe the cohort and as potential confounders. To examine whether racial or ethnic minority patients were less likely to receive hydroxychloroquine and/or azithromycin, race and ethnicity were measured in the following manner. Where available in a patient's medical chart, race was categorized as white, black, Asian/Pacific Islander, American Indian/Alaska Native, multiracial, not specified, or not documented (ie, missing). Ethnicity was coded separately as either Hispanic/Latino, non-Hispanic/Latino, or unknown. Of 540 patients whose race/ethnicity information was missing in the charts, 462 were supplemented by race/ethnicity information available in the SHIN-NY data. The patients were then classified into the following mutually exclusive race and ethnicity categories for the final analyses: non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black, Hispanic, or other (Asian/Pacific Islander, American Indian/Alaska Native, multiracial, and not specified). Race or ethnicity of 78 (5.4%) patients whose information was unknown in their charts or the SHIN-NY data remained missing.
Patients were categorized into 4 treatment groups based on having received at any time during hospitalization: (1) hydroxychloroquine with azithromycin, (2) hydroxychloroquine without azithromycin (hydroxychloroquine alone), (3) azithromycin alone, and (4) neither drug, defined as no receipt of either hydroxychloroquine or azithromycin in the record; other medications may have been dispensed and these were abstracted (Supplement 1). Dosage, route, and timing of hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin were collected. Chloroquine was originally planned for study, but the first 573 records screened indicated limited use (n'='9, 1.6%); patients receiving chloroquine were subsequently excluded from abstraction and analysis.
The primary outcome was in-hospital mortality, with additional secondary outcomes of cardiac arrest and abnormal electrocardiographic (ECG) findings (defined as arrhythmia or prolonged QT fraction). Causes of death were coded by a study physician (J.K.) from open-text and International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems, Tenth Revision (ICD-10) fields. Adverse events examined were clinical evidence at any time during hospitalization of cardiac arrest or abnormal ECG findings (QT prolongation, other arrhythmias), as well as diarrhea and hypoglycemia.
An initial target sample size of 1500 was determined, assuming a 3:2 ratio of hydroxychloroquine use vs nonuse as was observed among the first 573 records received, previously observed mortality estimates, and α'='.05.16 This sample size was estimated to have 90% power to detect a significant hydroxychloroquine use vs nonuse mortality hazard ratio (HR) of 0.65, assuming 19% mortality among those not receiving hydroxychloroquine, and 95% power for HR of 0.50 when mortality was 10%. For adverse events with 10% prevalence among those not receiving hydroxychloroquine, power was 82% to detect a hydroxychloroquine use vs nonuse risk ratio (RR) of 1.5, and for events with 5% prevalence there was 95% power to detect an RR of 2.
The distribution of treatment groups, including dose and timing, was summarized. Bivariate associations between treatment group and the measured patient characteristics were described and assessed with Ï2 tests for categorical variables and the Kruskal-Wallis test for continuous ones. We also assessed hospital outcomes and adverse events and their associations with patient characteristics.
A Cox proportional hazards model was fit for time to death, controlling for treatment group and potential confounders (age '¥65 years, sex, hospital, diabetes, chronic lung disease, cardiovascular disease [CVD, including hypertension, coronary artery disease, congestive heart failure], respiratory rate >22/min, O2 saturation <90%, abnormal chest imaging findings, aspartate aminotransferase [AST]>40 U/L, and elevated creatinine levels) based on a priori plausibility, documented associations with death or hydroxychloroquine administration from previous studies, bivariate associations within our data, ruling out collinearity using condition indices, and missingness of less than 10%.8,17-20
We accounted for clustering within hospital using the robust sandwich estimator, with 2 sensitivity analyses considering control via stratification and random effects.21 Comparisons were estimated for each medication group vs neither drug and for hydroxychloroquine alone vs azithromycin alone, with associations summarized with adjusted HR and direct-adjusted (ie, averaged across all observed patient covariate patterns) survival curves. The proportional hazards assumption for covariates was assessed, and was met, using weighted Schoenfeld residuals. A third sensitivity analysis was conducted that considered treatment as time-dependent, contributing pretreatment person-time to the neither drug group. Admission to the intensive care unit (ICU) and initiation of mechanical ventilation and treatment often happened quickly after hospital admission. This precluded meaningful time-to-event analyses of incident ICU admission or ventilation, and we focused efficacy analyses on in-hospital death.
The 2 primary adverse events of cardiac arrest and abnormal ECG findings were examined with generalized estimating equation logistic regression models, controlling for the same variables as in the mortality model. Repeated measures within hospital were accounted for using an exchangeable correlation structure and with robust variance estimation.
To understand the potential for an unmeasured confounder to render apparent significant ratio measures above 1.0 to be nonsignificant, when adjusted measures were found to be statistically significant we computed the E-value for the lower bound of the confidence interval.22
A sensitivity analysis stratified all end point models on receipt of mechanical ventilation. Models used a complete-case analysis approach. Analyses were completed in SAS version 9.4.
Significance was evaluated at α'='.05 and all testing was 2-sided. Because of the potential for type I error due to multiple comparisons, findings for analyses of secondary end points should be interpreted as exploratory.
From a sample of 7914 patients with COVID-19 admitted in New York metropolitan hospitals during March 15 through 28, a total of 2362 records were randomly selected, and 1438 were abstracted and included in the analyses (Figure 1). The date of final follow-up was April 24, 2020. Of these patients, 735 (51.1%) received hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin, 271 (18.8%) received hydroxychloroquine alone, 211 (14.7%) received azithromycin alone, and 221 (15.4%) received neither drug.
Hydroxychloroquine was initiated at a median of 1 day (Q1-Q3, 1-2) following admission and azithromycin was given at a median of 0 days (Q1-Q3, 0-1). Additional information about dosing and administration appears in eTable 1 in Supplement 2. Nineteen patients initiated either medication prior to admission, including 12 who began medication use on the day prior, and another 3 began medication use 2 days prior to admission. Patients receiving neither drug also received few other abstracted medications; the most common were aspirin (38/192 [19.8%]) and lisinopril (13/193 [6.7%]) (eTable 2 in Supplement 2).
Patients receiving either drug were more likely (relative to neither drug) to be male (Table 1). Black or Hispanic patients were as likely to receive hydroxychloroquine and/or azithromycin. Median patient age was similar in the 4 groups (hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin, 61.4 years; hydroxychloroquine alone, 65.5 years; azithromycin alone, 62.5 years; and neither drug, 64.0 years [P'='.35]). Six of 25 (24.0%) children received either hydroxychloroquine or azithromycin. Patients receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin and hydroxychloroquine alone were more likely to be obese and have diabetes than those in the groups receiving azithromycin alone and neither drug. Patients receiving hydroxychloroquine alone had the highest levels of chronic lung disease (25.1%) and cardiovascular conditions (36.5%).
As indicated by respiratory (chest imaging, respiratory rate, O2 saturation) and hepatic (AST, alanine aminotransferase) measurements during the first 24 hours, patients in the treatment groups, particularly hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin, presented as having more clinically severe disease than the neither drug group. Ninety-five percent of the hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin group had abnormal chest imaging findings (top 3: air space opacity [63.0%], lung infiltrate [23.8%], and bronchopneumonia/pneumonia [20.7%]). No differences were observed in the timing of COVID-19 diagnosis; only 13.9% (193/1384) of patients were diagnosed before admission (median, 2 days before).
Bivariate analyses of patient characteristics and 3 outcomes of interest (mortality, cardiac arrest, and abnormal ECG findings) found that age of 65 years or older; history of cancer, kidney disease, cardiovascular conditions, and diabetes; abnormal chest imaging findings; O2 saturation below 90%; low blood pressure; elevated creatinine levels; and elevated AST were significantly associated across outcomes (eTables 3, 4, and 5 in Supplement 2).
Hospital outcomes by treatment are presented in Table 2, noting 45 (3.1%) patients were still hospitalized at the time of final analysis. Patients receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin (30.7%) and hydroxychloroquine alone (19.2%) had higher levels of ICU admission than those receiving azithromycin alone (10.9%) and neither drug (12.2%), although 56.1% of patients in all groups entered intensive care within 1 day of admission. Similarly, more patients receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin (27.1%) and hydroxychloroquine alone (18.8%) than those taking azithromycin -alone (6.2%) and neither drug (8.1%) received mechanical ventilation. Among patients undergoing mechanical ventilation and receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin, hydroxychloroquine alone, or azithromycin alone, 49.6% were ventilated before or concurrent with starting these treatments.
Overall in-hospital mortality was 20.3% (95% CI, 18.2%-22.4%). In unadjusted analyses, significant differences in in-hospital death were observed across the hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin (n'='189, 25.7% [95% CI, 22.3%-28.9%]), hydroxychloroquine alone (n'='54, 19.9% [95% CI, 15.2%-24.7%]), azithromycin alone (n'='21, 10.0% [95% CI, 5.9%-14.0%]), and neither-drug (n'='28, 12.7% [95% CI, 8.3%-17.1%]) groups (P'<'.001). Similar patterns were observed for death per patient-day overall and post drug initiation (Table 2).
In the primary analysis, following adjustment for demographics, specific hospital, preexisting conditions, and illness severity, no significant differences in mortality were found between patients receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin (adjusted HR, 1.35 [95% CI, 0.76-2.40]), hydroxychloroquine alone (adjusted HR, 1.08 [95% CI, 0.63-1.85]), or azithromycin alone (adjusted HR, 0.56 [95% CI, 0.26-1.21]), compared with neither drug (Table 3) (complete case analysis variable completeness was 86%).
From this model, estimated direct-adjusted mortality at 21 days was 22.5% (95% CI, 19.7%-25.1%) with hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin, 18.9% (95% CI, 14.3%-23.2%) with hydroxychloroquine alone, 10.9% (95% CI, 5.8%-15.6%) with azithromycin alone, and 17.8% (95% CI, 11.1%-23.9%) with neither drug (Figure 2). No significant mortality difference was found between hydroxychloroquine alone and azithromycin alone (adjusted HR, 1.92 [95% CI, 0.99-3.74]). Results were similar in the 3 alternative Cox models (eTable 6 in Supplement 2).
Across all groups, the most commonly reported adverse event was abnormal ECG findings, particularly arrhythmia (Table 4). Abnormal ECG findings were more common among patients receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin and hydroxychloroquine alone, both overall and among those with a record of ECG screening. However, in logistic regression models of abnormal ECG findings, there were no significant differences between the groups receiving neither drug and each of the hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin and hydroxychloroquine alone groups.
A greater proportion of patients receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin experienced cardiac arrest (15.5%) and abnormal ECG findings (27.1%), as did those in the hydroxychloroquine alone group (13.7% and 27.3, respectively), compared with azithromycin alone (6.2% and 16.1%, respectively) and neither drug (6.8% and 14.0%, respectively). In adjusted models with those receiving neither drug as comparison, cardiac arrest was more likely in patients receiving hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin (adjusted OR, 2.13 [95% CI, 1.12-4.05]; E-value'='1.31), but not hydroxychloroquine alone (adjusted OR, 1.91 [95% CI, 0.96-3.81]) and azithromycin alone (adjusted OR, 0.64 [95% CI, 0.27-1.56]), and also in patients taking hydroxychloroquine alone vs azithromycin alone (adjusted OR, 2.97 [95% CI, 1.56-5.64]; E-value'='1.81).
In models for each outcome that stratified on receipt of mechanical ventilation, all associations were not significant, with the exception of cardiac arrest between patients receiving hydroxychloroquine alone vs azithromycin alone among patients who did not receive mechanical ventilation (adjusted OR, 3.01 [95% CI, 1.07-8.51]; E-value'='1.22) (eTable 7 in Supplement 2).
In this study, during rapidly expanding hospitalization for COVID-19, 70% of patients received hydroxychloroquine alone or with azithromycin. Patients who received hydroxychloroquine with or without azithromycin were more likely (relative to patients receiving neither drug) to be male, have preexisting medical conditions, and have impaired respiratory or liver function at presentation. There were no significant differences in in-hospital mortality between patients who received hydroxychloroquine with or without azithromycin and patients who received neither drug.
The lack of observed benefit of hydroxychloroquine associated with in-hospital mortality, following adjustment for preexisting disease and severity of illness on admission, is consistent with recently reported data from other observational studies.17,23,24
To our knowledge, this study is the largest report of adverse effects of hydroxychloroquine among patients with COVID-19. Cardiac arrest was more frequent in patients who received hydroxychloroquine with azithromycin, compared with patients who received neither drug, even after adjustment. This is in the context of similar levels of preexisting coronary artery disease and hypertension, although patients receiving hydroxychloroquine with or without azithromycin were overall sicker on presentation.25,26 Increased clinician vigilance for arrhythmias among patients receiving hydroxychloroquine may have led to a detection bias due to more frequent ECG performance. Given the lower association for arrhythmias than cardiac arrest, this may not have been a significant source of error. In the group of patients not receiving mechanical ventilation, risk for cardiac arrest remained statistically significantly elevated for hydroxychloroquine only compared with azithromycin only, suggesting that this risk was not mediated by mechanical ventilation.
The findings of this study also confirm what other studies have shown about the natural history of COVID-19 infection in the US: poor hospital outcomes were associated with male sex; preexisting conditions such as hypertension, obesity, and diabetes; and presenting findings such as elevated liver enzymes and abnormal kidney function.18,27,28 These findings are comparable to other metropolitan New York single hospital-system COVID-19 patient case series,18,27 but the design, which sampled from among 25 facilities representing 88.2% of the region's hospitalized patients, provides additional generalizability, given potential heterogeneity in hospital populations, protocols, and outcomes. There was no evidence in this study that black or Hispanic persons were prescribed these medications at a lower rate than white patients, which is relevant given the population-level differences in COVID-19 deaths previously reported by race and ethnicity.29 The study sample likely included a small portion of patients from previous studies given overlapping observation periods and hospitals; however, data on hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin and associated outcomes have not been previously published.18,27
Strengths of this study include a large, random sample from 25 metropolitan New York hospitals. The sample was drawn early in the epidemic to include patients with long, complicated, and ongoing hospital stays.
This study has several limitations. First, in sampling first hospitalizations, possible readmissions to other facilities may not be captured. Second, mortality was limited to in-hospital death, and patients discharged were assumed to still be alive during the study period. Third, some potential confounders such as inflammatory markers associated with severity of COVID-19 in prior studies were not frequently measured and thus not available for modeling.18 Fourth, the rapidity with which patients entered the ICU and underwent mechanical ventilation, often concurrently with initiating hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin, rendered these outcomes unsuitable for efficacy analyses. Fifth, adverse events were collected as having occurred at any point during hospitalization, potentially before drug initiation, although both medications were started on average within 1 day of admission; future studies should examine the onset of these events relative to drug timing. Sixth, it is likely that there is unmeasured residual confounding due to factors not included in the analysis. For the significant associations of hydroxychloroquine'+'azithromycin vs no drug with cardiac arrest and hydroxychloroquine alone vs azithromycin alone with cardiac arrest, the respective E-values for the lower bound of the OR's CI of 1.31 and 1.81 suggest factors moderately associated with treatment and cardiac arrest could render these associations nonsignificant.22 Seventh, for the subsample of 211 patients receiving azithromycin alone, the HR point estimate for mortality was 0.56, but the confidence interval crossed 1.0. This suggests the possibility of a true protective association, but it may also represent unmeasured confounding; it may warrant additional study. Eighth, the confidence intervals for some of the findings are wide, reflecting limits in study power for some analyses.
Clinical trials remain needed to provide definitive causal evidence of the effect of hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin on mortality, while also providing an opportunity to more finely control baseline patient severity and the dose and timing of drug administration. Nonetheless, the findings of the present study should be considered in concert with recent COVID-19 treatment guidelines from the National Institutes of Health and Infectious Diseases Society of America as well as the statement regarding safety concerning use of hydroxychloroquine from the US Food and Drug Administration.30-32
Among patients hospitalized in metropolitan New York with COVID-19, treatment with hydroxychloroquine, azithromycin, or both, compared with neither treatment, was not significantly associated with differences in in-hospital mortality. However, the interpretation of these findings may be limited by the observational design.
Corresponding Author: Eli S. Rosenberg, PhD, Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, University at Albany School of Public Health, One University Pl, Room 123, Albany, NY 12203 (erosenberg2@albany.edu).
Published Online: May 11, 2020. doi:10.1001/jama.2020.8630
Author Contributions: Dr Rosenberg had full access to all of the data in the study and takes responsibility for the integrity of the data and the accuracy of the data analysis.
Concept and design: Rosenberg, Dufort, Udo, Wilberschied, Kumar, Kirkwood, DeHovitz, Blog, Hutton, Holtgrave, Zucker.
Acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of data: Rosenberg, Dufort, Udo, Wilberschied, Kumar, Tesoriero, Weinberg, Kirkwood, Muse, DeHovitz, Blog, Holtgrave.
Drafting of the manuscript: Rosenberg, Dufort, Udo, Wilberschied, Kumar, Blog, Holtgrave.
Critical revision of the manuscript for important intellectual content: Rosenberg, Dufort, Udo, Wilberschied, Kumar, Tesoriero, Weinberg, Kirkwood, Muse, DeHovitz, Hutton, Holtgrave, Zucker.
Statistical analysis: Rosenberg, Udo, Wilberschied, Kumar, Holtgrave.
Obtained funding: Dufort, Tesoriero.
Administrative, technical, or material support: All authors.
Supervision: Rosenberg, Dufort, Weinberg, Blog, Hutton, Holtgrave.
Conflict of Interest Disclosures: Dr Dufort reported that her spouse has a Gilead Foundation-Focus HIV/HCV testing research grant. No other disclosures were reported.
Additional Contributions: The authors wish to acknowledge the following contributors to this work, who did not receive any specific compensation for their contributions. From IPRO: Wendy Ferguson, DipED, Allison Xiong, PhD, Matthew Roberts, DrPH, Kathleen Terry, PhD, Lois Piper, MBA, as well as the nursing and analytical team. From University at Albany: Janine Jurkowski, PhD, and Kerianne Engesser, BS. From New York State Department of Health Emerging Infections Program: Jemma Rowlands, MPH, Grant Barney, MPH, Nancy Spina, MPH, Rachel Wester, MPH. From New York State Department of Health Office of Quality and Patient Safety: Meng Wu, PhD, and Deirdre Depew, ME. From New York State Department of Health AIDS Institute: Michelle Cummings, MS. From New York State Department of Health Center for Community Health: Thomas Justin II, BSc. From New York State Department of Health Office of Primary Care and Health Systems Management: Daniel McNamara, BSPharm, and Kimberly Leonard, BSPharm. From Albany College of Pharmacy and Health Sciences: Darren Grabe, PharmD. From New York University Langone Medical Center: Mark Mulligan, MD, Robert Ulrich, MD, and Ellie Carmody, MD. New York State Department of Health and University at Albany employees worked on this study as part of their duties. IPRO employees work under a standing contract with the State of New York to conduct medical record extraction duties and other tasks, and their medical record extraction work was done as part of that standing contract. No grants were awarded for this study to the University at Albany. No funding was provided to New York University Langone Medical Center for the consultation of Drs Mulligan, Ulrich, and Carmody on this study. No funding was provided to Albany College of Pharmacy and Health Sciences for the consultation of Dr Grabe.
3.Rosenberg ES>> , Dufort EM>> , Blog DS>> , et al. COVID-19 testing, epidemic features, hospital outcomes, and household prevalence, New York State'--March 2020. >>
Clin Infect Dis. Published online May 8, 2020. doi:
10.1093/cid/ciaa549Google Scholar6.Yao X>> , Ye F>> , Zhang M>> , et al. In vitro antiviral activity and projection of optimized dosing design of hydroxychloroquine for the treatment of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2). >>
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PubMedGoogle Scholar9.Chen Z>> , Hu J>> , Zhang Z>> , et al Efficacy of hydroxychloroquine in patients with COVID-19: results of a randomized clinical trial.
medRxiv. Preprint posted April 10, 2020. doi:
10.1101/2020.03.22.2004075810.McGhie TK>> , Harvey P>> , Su J>> , Anderson N>> , Tomlinson G>> , Touma Z>> . Electrocardiogram abnormalities related to anti-malarials in systemic lupus erythematosus. >>
Clin Exp Rheumatol. 2018;36(4):545-551.
PubMedGoogle Scholar11.Hung YM>> , Wang YH>> , Lin L>> , Wang PYP>> , Chiou JY>> , Wei JC>> . Hydroxychloroquine may be associated with reduced risk of coronary artery diseases in patients with rheumatoid arthritis: A nationwide population-based cohort study. >>
Int J Clin Pract. 2018;72(5):e13095. doi:
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PubMedGoogle Scholar12.Chorin E>> , Dai M>> , Shulman E>> , et al. The QT interval in patients with COVID-19 treated with hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin. >>
Nat Med. Published online April 24, 2020. doi:
10.1038/s41591-020-0888-2Google Scholar13.Borba MGS>> , Val FFA>> , Sampaio VS>> , et al>> Effect of high vs low doses of chloroquine diphosphate as adjunctive therapy for patients hospitalized with severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) infection: a randomized clinical trial. >>
JAMA Netw Open. 2020;3(4):e208857. doi:
10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2020.8857>>
Google Scholar14.FDA. Fact sheet for health care providers: emergency use authorization (EUA) of hydroxychloroquine sulfate supplied from the strategic national stockpile for treatment of COVID-19 in certain hospitalized patients. Posted April 27, 2020. Accessed May 7, 2020.
https://www.fda.gov/media/136537/download15.Garg S>> , Kim L>> , Whitaker M>> , et al. Hospitalization rates and characteristics of patients hospitalized with laboratory-confirmed coronavirus disease 2019 - COVID-NET, 14 States, March 1-30, 2020. >>
MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep. 2020;69(15):458-464. doi:
10.15585/mmwr.mm6915e3>>
PubMedGoogle ScholarCrossref 16.CDC COVID-19 Response Team. Preliminary estimates of the prevalence of selected underlying health conditions among patients with coronavirus disease 2019 - United States, February 12-March 28, 2020. >>
MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep. 2020;69(13):382-386. doi:
10.15585/mmwr.mm6913e2>>
PubMedGoogle ScholarCrossref 17.Magagnoli J>> , Narendran S>> , Pereira F>> , et al Outcomes of hydroxychloroquine usage in United States veterans hospitalized with Covid-19.
medRxiv. Preprint posted April 23, 2020. doi:
10.1101/2020.04.16.2006592019.Petrilli CM>> , Jones SA>> , Yang J>> , et al Factors associated with hospitalization and critical illness among 4,103 patients with COVID-19 disease in New York City.
medRxiv. Preprint posted April 11, 2020. doi:
10.1101/2020.04.08.2005779420.Davis CE>> , Hyde JE>> , Bangdiwala SI>> , Nelson JJ>> . An example of dependencies among variables in a conditional logistic regression. In: Modern Statistical Methods in Chronic Disease Epidemiology. John Wiley & Sons; 1986:140-147.
23.Mahevas M>> , Tran V-T, Roumier M, et al. No evidence of clinical efficacy of hydroxychloroquine in patients hospitalized for COVID-19 infection with oxygen requirement: results of a study using routinely collected data to emulate a target trial.
medRxiv. Preprint posted April 14, 2020. doi:
10.1101/2020.04.10.2006069924.Geleris J>> , Sun Y>> , Platt J>> , et al. Observational study of hydroxychloroquine in hospitalized patients with Covid-19. >>
N Engl J Med. Published online May 7, 2020. doi:
10.1056/NEJMoa2012410PubMedGoogle Scholar27.Richardson S>> , Hirsch JS>> , Narasimhan M>> , et al; and the Northwell COVID-19 Research Consortium. Presenting characteristics, comorbidities, and outcomes among 5700 patients hospitalized with COVID-19 in the New York City area. >>
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PubMedGoogle Scholar32.FDA Drug Safety Communication. FDA cautions against use of hydroxychloroquine or chloroquine for COVID-19 outside of the hospital setting or a clinical trial due to risk of heart rhythm problems. Posted April 24, 2020. Accessed May 8, 2020.
https://www.fda.gov/media/137250/download
Trump dismisses hydroxychloroquine study as ''enemy statement'' - Vox
Wed, 20 May 2020 09:46
President Donald Trump is now dismissing medical information promulgated by his own government as a ''Trump enemy statement.''
Trump made that remark on Tuesday afternoon, when he was asked following a lunch with Republican senators to explain his rationale for promoting unproven and potentially dangerous hydroxychloroquine treatments for coronavirus. The president's ensuing effort to defend the stunning announcement he made on Monday that he's taking the anti-malarial drug didn't end up making much sense. But it did reveal a reflexive contempt for scientific reasoning that undercuts his talking points.
''Why is it okay for you to promote the use of this drug when you're not a doctor?'' a reporter asked. Trump responded by making a case that he knows better than medical professionals do.
''I worked with doctors,'' he began. ''If you look at the one survey, the only bad survey, they were giving it to people that were in very bad shape, they were very old, almost dead. It was a Trump enemy statement.''
The ''Trump enemy statement'' in question is a study of coronavirus patients in Veterans Affairs hospitals that became the basis for a Food and Drug Administration (FDA) warning about hydroxychloroquine treatments for coronavirus.
The study, which the National Institutes of Health posted to its website last month and is the largest of its kind, was not peer-reviewed, but it found more deaths among those treated with hydroxychloroquine than those treated with standard care. Researchers also reported finding no benefit to its use.
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) subsequently posted a warning on its website that ''cautions against use of hydroxychloroquine or chloroquine for COVID-19 outside of the hospital setting or a clinical trial due to risk of heart rhythm problems.''
To hear Trump tell it, however, the FDA has been infiltrated by his deep state enemies.
''That was a false study done. Where they gave it to very sick people. Extremely sick people. People that were ready to die. It was given by obviously not friends of the administration,'' Trump said later Tuesday, during a roundtable event at the White House.
It should go without saying at this point that it's a bad idea to take medical advice from Trump '-- recall that his daily coronavirus press briefings basically came to an end last month after he was widely mocked for musing aloud about the possibility of treating the coronavirus with disinfectant and bizarre sunlight treatments.
Still, it's instructive to note how quick the president is to attribute any conclusion that contradicts him as the product of an anti-Trump conspiracy, even when the conclusion in question comes from his own government.
Trump simply dismisses experts who don't agree with himIt's not like the study of VA patients was the first to raise concerns about hydroxychloroquine. The drug is an effective treatment for malaria, but doctors have long warned that taking it can result in drug-induced cardiac arrest for a small subset of the population.
Those risks might be worth taking if it turned out that hydroxychloroquine was effective in helping people recover from coronavirus infections. But health officials have consistently said preliminary research shows the opposite '-- and that more rigorous research into the drug still needs to be conducted.
To cite one notable example, a day after Trump called the drug a ''game changer'' on March 20, his top health official on the coronavirus, Dr. Anthony Fauci, told the press it was too soon to say whether the drug was safe or effective.
''The information that you're referring to specifically is anecdotal,'' Fauci said, alluding to non-randomized, non-peer-reviewed studies conducted abroad that Trump has repeatedly invoked as evidence of hydroxychloroquine's efficaciousness, including on Tuesday. ''It was not done in a controlled clinical trial. So you really can't make any definitive statement about it.''
Clashes between Trump and government public heaths experts over unproven drugs led to the abrupt exit of Dr. Rick Bright as director of the Department of Health and Human Services' Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority, the federal agency tasked with developing a coronavirus vaccine. Last month, Bright, who has since become a whistleblower, released a statement indicating he was pressured to give the green light to hydroxychloroquine treatments.
''While I am prepared to look at all options and to think 'outside the box' for effective treatments, I rightly resisted efforts to provide an unproven drug on demand to the American public,'' Bright said. ''I insisted that these drugs be provided only to hospitalized patients with confirmed Covid-19 while under the supervision of a physician.''
Trump's infatuation with hydroxychloroquine can be traced back to a controversial French study released in March on a small number of Covid-19 patients that found hydroxychloroquine could lessen the duration of infection. As Media Matters for America has detailed, the French study and similar anecdotal evidence from China was covered by Fox News and amplified by Trump, with Trump's amplification in turn being covered by Fox '-- in other words, it was the perfect illustration of the Fox-to-Trump feedback loop.
As it became clear that the United States was going to be especially hard hit by the coronavirus pandemic, Trump became insistent that the drug could be a savior, despite Fauci's position.
The study of VA patients seemed to cool Fox News's enthusiasm for hydroxychloroquine, at least among certain anchors. Anchor Neil Cavuto even went as far as to warn his viewers immediately after Trump's announcement on Monday that taking the drug without a doctor's supervision can result in death for populations at risk.
Cavuto reiterated his concerns on Tuesday, following a roundtable event in which Trump falsely claimed about hydroxychloroquine that ''what has been determined is it doesn't harm you.''
Instead of engaging with Cavuto's measured criticisms, Trump on Monday evening posted a string of retweets demeaning him. Around the same time, Trump's White House doctor released a statement saying of hydroxychloroquine that ''we concluded the potential benefits from treatments outweighed the relative risks'' '-- but notably, it stopped short of confirming that Trump is in fact taking the drug.
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Vitamin C and Coronavirus: Not a Vaccine; Just a Humble Cure
Wed, 20 May 2020 20:18
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Orthomolecular Medicine News Service, May 4, 2020
Commentary by William F. Simmons and Robert G. Smith, PhD(OMNS May 4, 2020) During the pneumonia epidemic in North Carolina in the 1940's, after American soldiers returned from the war in Europe, a small-town physician used an anti-infective protocol of intravenous vitamin C to cure 42 cases of viral pneumonia.[1] During the same period, the physician used a similar treatment to cure 60 cases of viral poliomyelitis. All patients were clinically well within 72 hours.[2] This seemingly incredible event occurred before there was a polio vaccine. The doctor was Frederick Robert Klenner of Reidsville, North Carolina.
During that same time interval, Klenner used a similar method to cure an assortment of other maladies, including herpes zoster, herpes simplex, chicken pox, influenza, virus encephalitis, measles, and mumps. Over the course of his practice, Klenner discovered that vitamin C was not only anti-viral, but anti-bacterial, anti-fungal, and anti-toxin as well. He also discovered that, in general, the higher the dose, the more effective the therapy was against the disease, which resulted in shortening the duration of the anti-infective vitamin C treatment. In his published papers, Klenner found that intravenous injection was necessary to attain adequately high blood levels of vitamin C.
Even before Klenner started his medical practice in Reidsville, it was known that a sufficiently high level of vitamin C was cytotoxic to cancer cells. Several decades later, Linus Pauling and Ewan Cameron used Klenner's intravenous therapy to treat a small group of cancer patients, and found that it increased their survival time.[3,4] Evidently, the high level of vitamin C from their intravenous protocol was cytotoxic to cancer cells -- but spared other cell types. In response, the Mayo Clinic conducted a much larger, more structured study, supposedly using the same vitamin C doses as the Cameron/Pauling study, and found the therapy to be ineffective. But there was an important difference. The Mayo Clinic study used oral doses. Pauling critiqued the study, pointing out that intravenous administration was necessary. The Mayo Clinic denied access for Pauling and Cameron to inspect its data. Some years later, the Mayo Clinic conducted yet another trial, but found the same negative result. Since that time, the wider medical community has written off the approach of using vitamin C against cancer.
After the passage of several decades, this stand-off was broken when others in the field "realized" that the Cameron/Pauling trial had used intravenous administration of Vitamin C, while the Mayo Clinic, although it had used the same dosage of 10 grams per diem, had also consistently used oral administration of the substance -- a fact that Pauling pointed out at the time. [3-5] A group associated with the National Institutes of Health (NIH) coalesced around the investigation of the difference between the behavior in the human body of vitamin C given orally and given intravenously -- the so-called "pharmacokinetics" of vitamin C. This group, which includes Mark Levine and Sebastian Padayatty, has repeatedly affirmed that the blood concentration required to be cytotoxic to cancer cells requires intravenous or intramuscular administration [6,7] -- as Klenner had maintained as early as the 1940's.
More recent study of the behavior of vitamin C in the body (its pharmacokinetics) has yielded many results. The NIH group has confirmed many of the results that Klenner achieved during his pioneering vitamin C treatments. They have also confirmed that the efficacy of vitamin C in this cancer treatment is related to generation of hydrogen peroxide, as originally concluded by Linux Pauling. [8-10] Perhaps most importantly, the study of the pharmacokinetics of vitamin C has greatly clarified how vitamin C destroys invading organisms, such as viruses, bacteria, and fungi.[11-12]
Diseased cells tend to accumulate iron. The ascorbate (vitamin C) ion contributes to the production of hydrogen peroxide. In a reaction called the Fenton Reaction, an iron ion reacts with a molecule of hydrogen peroxide molecule to produce free radicals (reactive oxygen species, ROS) that can oxidize and damage any other molecules in their proximity. When this activity occurs inside the diseased cell, the inner workings of the cell are destroyed, and the cell is rendered inoperative.[13,14] A similar Fenton reaction mechanism can disable viruses before they invade a living cell.[15,16] Any cell types, for example some cancers, that lack normal levels of the catalase enzyme (that removes hydrogen peroxide) are susceptible.[17]
The important point here is that this anti-viral mechanism has nothing to do with the type of the target viral particle or its molecular antigens, which is the strategy upon which modern vaccines depend. If the invading organism mutates, the Fenton reaction process will destroy the cell all the same -- without any need of appropriate antibodies. The diseased cells self-select, since it is they that are hoarding the iron. The increased availability of ascorbate and hydrogen peroxide leaves the healthy cells untouched.
The COVID-19 infection has been compared to the flu and severe pneumonia, which can be successfully treated by high-dose vitamin C treatment.[18-23] Although several ongoing clinical trials testing an intravenous anti-infective protocol of high-dose vitamin C are still incomplete, there is no reason to suspect that this protocol would fail since it has succeeded against every virus it has been set against.[24,25] And, considering the chemical strategy upon which it depends, one would conclude that success will be likely.
An intravenous anti-infective protocol of vitamin C is not the highly sought-after vaccine which the pharmaceutical industry is desperate to concoct. Waiting for its development is at the cost of many lives. But intravenous vitamin C is almost certainly the humble cure we seek, available now.
The History of a Viral CureAt the very end of the year of 2019, patients with an unexplained pneumonia appeared in Wuhan, China. Around a week later, on January 7, 2020, a new coronavirus was detected in a Wuhan laboratory at 9:00 pm. Three days later, on January 10, the laboratory detected pathogenic nucleic acids at around 8:00 pm. People in Wuhan continued to succumb to the coronavirus over the next four weeks, and, by February 4, 20,000 cases of coronavirus had been identified in China, with 406 dead.[26,27]
On January 20, two weeks prior, South Korea, became one of the first countries to be affected by coronavirus outside of China. The United States reported its first case on the same day.[26,27]
Sometime between late January and the first days of February, 2020, the Chinese government placed an order with Dutch State Mines (DSM) for 50 tons of vitamin C. Trucks arrived in Wuhan, the epicenter of the epidemic, on February 9, 2020.[28] Three days later, on February 12, Zongnan Hospital in Wuhan announced a trial of intravenous vitamin C against Coronavirus.[24,25] Patients would be administered 24,000 milligrams of vitamin C each day for 7 days. The next day, on February 13, Dr. Richard Cheng, director of the Medical and Scientific Advisory Board to the International Intravenous Vitamin C China Epidemic Medical Support Team, and U.S. board-certified specialist in anti-aging medicine, announced a second intravenous vitamin C study, in which 6,000 to 12,000 milligrams per day would be given to moderate and severe cases. Some allowance would be made for the study of oral administration.[25] These announcements were made on the hospital's website, and these protocols were being published all over Asia. But the American news channels did not cover this story. The next day, February 14, the clinical trial commenced at Zhongnan Hospital in Wuhan, China.
In just two days, on February 16, apparently since the results had been so unambiguous, Shanghai announced an "official" recommendation to use high-dose intravenous treatment of vitamin C to treat COVID-19. The official recommendation called for doses ranging from 50-200 milligrams per kilogram of body weight per day, or up to as much as 16,000 milligrams per day. Four days later, on February 20, Xi'an Jiaotong University Second Hospital reported that 4 patients with severe conoravirus pneumonia had recovered.[29]
The next day, on February 21, Dr. Richard Cheng announced a third intravenous vitamin C trial targeting coronavirus.[25] Cheng called for immediate use of vitamin C for the prevention of severe coronavirus infection. He declared that the "current sole focus (in the U.S.) on vaccine and specific anti-viral drugs is misplaced". Cheng further stated that 50 tons of vitamin C had arrived in China about two weeks prior, and was reported in Chinese media, but not in western media. Cheng further maintained that news of vitamin C research for COVID-19 was being actively suppressed.
Six days later, on March 1, a report from a hospital in Daegu, South Korea, claimed that inpatients had been given an infusion of 30,000 mg vitamin C; some got better after 2 days, most had symptoms disappear after one injection.[30]
Two days after that, on March 3, Dr. Cheng reported an intravenous vitamin C study using 12,000 - 24,000 mg / day, administered to the patient immediately upon arrival at the hospital. Cheng again claimed that news of vitamin C research for COVID-19 is being actively suppressed, and that anyone in the West saying that vitamin therapy can stop coronavirus is already being labeled as "promoting false information", and promulgating "fake news." On the same day, the Government of Shanghai, China announced its official recommendation that COVID-19 should be treated with high amounts of intravenous vitamin C.
Three days later, on March 6, a medical team from the Second Affiliated Hospital of Xi'an Jiaotong University in China reported on the successful treatment of coronavirus patients with vitamin C. In a press release posted on the hospital website, the team described how "... patients have recovered after being treated with high doses of the vitamin." The medical team recommended that "vitamin C treatment should be initiated as soon as possible after admission to the hospital." Another hospital, Zhongnan Hospital of Wuhan University, was starting another study in which they hypothesized that vitamin C infusions can help improve the prognosis of patients with severe acute respiratory infection (SARI). In yet a further development, the Shanghai Medical Association in China published a consensus on the treatment of coronavirus disease. Based on the study of more than 300 clinical patients and developed by 30 experts in the treatmentof new coronavirus pneumonia, it recommended high dose vitamin C for even light infection with the virus. This recommendation, described as the "Shanghai Plan", attracted widespread attention, including on Shanghai television.[31]
Five days later, on March 11, the Japanese published an intravenous vitamin C protocol, and released an educational video explaining the use of high-dose oral vitamin C (1000 mg 3x daily to bowel tolerance) along with other essential nutrients to protect against COVID-19.[32] Other important nutrients to prevent infection were included: vitamin D (2000-5000 IU/d), zinc (20 mg/d), selenium (100mcg/d), and magnesium (400 mg/d, in malate, citrate, or chloride form).
The next day, on March 12, the Government of Shanghai stated that China is now officially recommending that high amounts of intravenous vitamin C be used to treat the novel coronavirus COVID-19.[33] The recommended dosage depends on the severity of the individual's illness, but it ranges from 50 to 200 milligrams per kilogram of body weight per day. That equates roughly to 4,000 to 16,000 milligrams per day in adults.
Meanwhile, the coronavirus was ravaging New York City. On March 24, twelve days after the Government of Shanghai announced its official recommendation, the New York Post reported that Northwell Health, New York state's largest health system, which operates 23 hospitals there, were treating "seriously sick" coronavirus patients with intravenous vitamin C, and were using it system wide.[34] Dr. Andrew Weber, a pulmonologist and critical-care specialist at the hospital, said that the treatments were started based on work done with coronavirus patients in Shanghai, China. Patients entering these New York hospitals were given doses of 1500 milligrams of vitamin C immediately, with two or three recurring doses totaling 300 to 6000 mg/day. The patients receiving vitamin C did significantly better than those who did not get vitamin C, according to Dr. Weber. Weber said that vitamin C helps the body fight off an inflammatory overreaction to the infection which occurs as a result of coronavirus, a condition called sepsis. Pulmonologist Weber said that vitamin C levels in coronavirus patients drop dramatically when sepsis develops. "It makes all the sense in the world to try to maintain this level of vitamin C", said Weber. Jason Molinet, a spokesman with Northwell Health confirmed for the New York Post that vitamin C treatments for coronavirus patients are being "widely used" across the hospital system.
In Seattle, emergency physician Dr. Ryan Padgett contracted COVID-19 with severe pneumonia and was saved over several days in the period March 12-23 by the application of high-dose intravenous vitamin C along with a drug approved to treat cancer, both for the purpose of blocking the life-threatening "cytokine storm" in the lungs.[35] And in Richmond, Virginia, Dr. Jeff Brown also contracted COVID-19 with severe pneumonia, was given hydroxychloroquine, which didn't help, and was finally saved by the same combination of cancer drug and high-dose intravenous vitamin C.[36,37] In Houston, Texas, an experimental combination of intravenous high-dose vitamin C and drug treatment for patients with COVID-19 with severe pneumonia has been working exceptionally well. Dr Joseph Varon said, "To date, we have 0% mortality at United Memorial Medical Center. Zero percent. I know it's too good for people to believe in this but it's working."[38]
Moreover, a group of critical-care doctors widely spread across the United States has set up a website that provides an explanation, a press release, and a protocol for the treatment that they have used to effectively prevent patients with severe COVID-19 pneumonia from needing a ventilator and from death.[39] They implore doctors to use the protocol or a similar one on COVID-19 patients at the earliest opportunity after admission to save lives.[40]
In the meantime, on April 8, approximately 100 days since the unexplained pneumonia appeared in Wuhan, the lockdown in China is now being lifted.[27]
Yet, in spite of the overwhelming evidence of the efficacy of an intravenous vitamin C protocol against coronavirus, the FDA, the CDC, and many respected members of the medical community inexplicably jeopardize their own credibility, apparently, to save the irrelevant business model of the pharmaceutical industry. The respect will be hard to win back. And that is right and proper.
(Texas resident William F. Simmons studied Greek, Hebrew and Arabic at universities in his home state, as well as in Jerusalem and Amman, Jordan. He read A Physician's Handbook on Orthomolecular Medicine in 1982, and has been keenly interested in the topic ever since. Robert G. Smith is a physiologist and Associate Research Professor at the University of Pennsylvania's Perelman School of Medicine. Dr. Smith is the author of The Vitamin Cure for Arthritis and also The Vitamin Cure for Eye Disease.)
References1. Klenner FR. (1948) Virus pneumonia and its treatment with vitamin C. South Med Surg. 110:36-38. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18900646http://www.whale.to/v/c/klenner2.html
2. Klenner FR. (1949) The treatment of poliomyelitis and other virus diseases with vitamin C. South Med Surg. 111:209-214. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18147027http://www.whale.to/v/c/klenner3.html
3. Cameron E, Pauling L. (1978) Supplemental ascorbate in the supportive treatment of cancer: reevaluation of prolongation of survival times in terminal human cancer. Proc Natl Acad Sci USA. 75:4538-4542. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/279931
4. Cameron E, Pauling L, Leibovitz B. (1979) Ascorbic acid and cancer: a review. Cancer Res. 39:663-681. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/371790
5. Jaffey M. (1982) Vitamin C and cancer: examination of the Vale of Leven trial results using broad inductive reasoning. Med Hypotheses. 8:49-84. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/7038410
6. Padayatty SJ, Levine M. (2000) Reevaluation of ascorbate in cancer treatment: emerging evidence, open minds and serendipity. J Am Coll Nutr. 19:423-425. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10963459
7. Padayatty SJ, Sun H, Wang Y, Riordan HD, Hewitt SM, Katz A, Wesley RA, Levine M. (2004) Vitamin C pharmacokinetics: implications for oral and intravenous use. Ann Intern Med. 140:533-537. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15068981
8. Duconge J, Miranda-Massari JR, Gonzalez MJ, Jackson JA, Warnock W, Riordan NH. (2008) Pharmacokinetics of vitamin C: insights into the oral and intravenous administration of ascorbate. P R Health Sci J. 27:7-19. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18450228
9. Parrow NL, Leshin JA, Levine M. (2013) Parenteral ascorbate as a cancer therapeutic: a reassessment based on pharmacokinetics. Antioxid Redox Signal. 19:2141-2156. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23621620
10. Shenoy N, Creagan E, Witzig T, Levine M. (2018) Ascorbic Acid in Cancer Treatment: Let the Phoenix Fly. Cancer Cell. 34:700-706. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/30174242
11. Hemil¤ H. (2017) Vitamin C and Infections. Nutrients. 9(4). pii: E339. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/28353648
12. Levy TE (2011) Primal Panacea. ISBN-13: 978-0983772804
13. Bae DH, Gholam Azad M, Kalinowski DS, Lane DJR, Jansson PJ, Richardson DR. (2019) Ascorbate and Tumor Cell Iron Metabolism: The Evolving Story and Its Link to Pathology. Antioxid Redox Signal. https://doi.org/10.1089/ars.2019.7903 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/31672021
14. Li J, Cao F, Yin HL, Huang ZJ, et al (2020) Ferroptosis: past, present and future. Cell Death Dis. 11:88. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/32015325
15. Levy TE (2013) Vitamin C, Shingles, and Vaccination. Orthomolecular Medicine News Service. http://www.orthomolecular.org/resources/omns/v09n17.shtml
16. Vilcheze, C., T. Hartman, B. Weinrick, and W. Jacobs, Jr. (2013) Mycobacterium tuberculosis is extraordinarily sensitive to killing by a vitamin C-induced Fenton reaction. Nature Communications 4:1881. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23695675
17. Glorieux C, Calderon PB. (2017) Catalase, a remarkable enzyme: targeting the oldest antioxidant enzyme to find a new cancer treatment approach. Biol Chem. 398:1095-1108. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/28384098
18. Marik PE, Khangoora V, Rivera R, Hooper MH, Catravas J. (2017) Hydrocortisone, Vitamin C, and Thiamine for the Treatment of Severe Sepsis and Septic Shock: A Retrospective Before-After Study. Chest. 151:1229-1238. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/27940189
19. Li J. (2018) Evidence is stronger than you think: a meta-analysis of vitamin C use in patients with sepsis. Crit Care. 22:258. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/30305111
20. Patel V, Dial K, Wu J, Gauthier AG, Wu W, Lin M, Espey MG, Thomas DD, Jr CRA, Mantell LL. (2020) Dietary Antioxidants Significantly Attenuate Hyperoxia-Induced Acute Inflammatory Lung Injury by Enhancing Macrophage Function via Reducing the Accumulation of Airway HMGB1. Int J Mol Sci. 21(3). pii: E977. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/32024151
21. Hemil¤ H, Chalker E (2020) Vitamin C may reduce the duration of mechanical ventilation in critically ill patients: a meta-regression analysis. J Intensive Care 8:15. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/32047636
22. Player G, Saul AW, Downing D, Schuitemaker G. (2020) Published Research and Articles on Vitamin C as a Consideration for Pneumonia, Lung Infections, and the Novel Coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2/COVID-19). Orthomolecular Medicine News Service. http://orthomolecular.org/resources/omns/v16n20.shtml
23. Cheng R. (2020) Can early and large dose vitamin C be used in the treatment and prevention of COVID-19? Medicine Drug Discov. In Press, Journal Pre-proof. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2590098620300154
24. ZhiYong Peng, Zhongnan Hospital (2020) Vitamin C Infusion for the Treatment of Severe 2019-nCoV Infected Pneumonia. https://clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT04264533
25. Saul AW. (2020) Three Intravenous Vitamin C Research Studies Approved for Treating COVID-19. Orthomolecular Medicine News Service. http://orthomolecular.org/resources/omns/v16n12.shtml
26. Secon H, Woodward A, Mosher D. (2020) A comprehensive timeline of the new coronavirus pandemic, from China's first COVID-19 case to the present. Business Insider (April 16, 2020) https://www.businessinsider.com/coronavirus-pandemic-timeline-history-major-events-2020-3
27. Muccari R, Chow D. (2020) Coronavirus timeline: Tracking the critical moments of COVID-19. NBC News. https://www.nbcnews.com/health/health-news/coronavirus-timeline-tracking-critical-moments-covid-19-n1154341
28. Saul AW. (2020) Tons of Vitamin C to Wuhan: China Using Vitamin C Against COVID. Orthomolecular Medicine News Service. http://www.orthomolecular.org/resources/omns/v16n13.shtml
29. Saul AW (2020) News Media Attacks Vitamin C Treatment of COVID-19 Coronavirus, Yet Ascorbate is a Proven, Powerful Antiviral. Orthomolecular Medicine News Service, Mar 1, 2020. http://www.orthomolecular.org/resources/omns/v16n15.shtml
30. WorldHealth.net (2020) Official Statement From China For Recommended Treatment Of COVID-19 Using Vitamin C. March 5, 2020. https://www.worldhealth.net/news/official-statement-china-recommended-treatment-covid-19
31. Saul AW (2020) Shanghai Government Officially Recommends Vitamin C for COVID-19. Orthomolecular Medicine News Service, March 3, 2020. http://orthomolecular.org/resources/omns/v16n16.shtml
32. Yanagisawa A (2020) Orthomolecular prevention and treatment for new coronavirus COVID19 infection. International Society for Orthomolecular Medicine. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yzJiKQ8O3IE Release of educational video for Japan: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tAHzz6tKlX0 English version: https://youtu.be/CWVHupIXOog
33. Government of Shanghai now officially recommends high-dose vitamin C for COVID-19 Coronavirus. https://www.reddit.com/r/CoronavirusFOS/comments/fczmu8/government_of_shanghai_now_officially_recommendshttps://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/bF2YhJKiOfe1yimBc4XwOA http://rs.yiigle.com/m/yufabiao/1183266.htm
34. Mongelli L, Golding B (2020) New York hospitals treating coronavirus patients with vitamin C. New York Post, March 24, 2020. https://nypost.com/2020/03/24/new-york-hospitals-treating-coronavirus-patients-with-vitamin-c
35. Read R. (2020) Emergency room doctor, near death with coronavirus, saved after experimental treatment. Los Angeles Times, April 13, 2020. https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2020-04-13/coworkers-save-coronavirus-doctor
36. Kolenich E. (2020) A Richmond doctor's dramatic story of COVID-19 infection, hospitalization and survival. Richmond Times-Dispatch, April 15, 2020. https://www.richmond.com/special-report/coronavirus/a-richmond-doctor-s-dramatic-story-of-covid-19-infection-hospitalization-and-survival/article_750722ad-7918-544d-bc4d-798d456033f6.html
37. AP (2020) Richmond Doctor Shares Story of COVID-19 Infection, Survival. US News & World Report, April 18, 2020. https://www.usnews.com/news/best-states/virginia/articles/2020-04-18/richmond-doctor-shares-story-of-covid-19-infection-survival
38. Archer P. (2020) Local hospital using experimental drug treatment in hopes of saving lives of COVID-19 patients. Click2Houston.com, April 16, 2020. https://www.click2houston.com/health/2020/04/17/local-hospital-using-experimental-drug-treatment-in-hopes-of-saving-lives-of-covid-19-patients
39. Front Line COVID Critical Care Group (2020) Early Intervention Protocol for COVID-19 Can Save Lives. April 15, 2020. https://covid19criticalcare.com
40. Front Line COVID Critical Care Group (2020) COVID-19 Critical Care Working GroupUrges Immediate Adoption of Early Intervention Protocol for Any ER or Hospitalized Patient Developing Breathing Difficulty. April 15, 2020. https://covid19criticalcare.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/PressReleaseTreating-Covid-19-in-ER-April-15-2030_3.pdf
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Editorial Review Board:Ily¨s Baghli, M.D. (Algeria)Ian Brighthope, MBBS, FACNEM (Australia)Prof. Gilbert Henri Crussol (Spain)Carolyn Dean, M.D., N.D. (USA) Damien Downing, M.D. (United Kingdom) Michael Ellis, M.D. (Australia) Martin P. Gallagher, M.D., D.C. (USA) Michael J. Gonzalez, N.M.D., D.Sc., Ph.D. (Puerto Rico) William B. Grant, Ph.D. (USA) Tonya S. Heyman, M.D. (USA)Suzanne Humphries, M.D. (USA) Ron Hunninghake, M.D. (USA)Robert E. Jenkins, D.C. (USA) Bo H. Jonsson, M.D., Ph.D. (Sweden) Jeffrey J. Kotulski, D.O. (USA)Peter H. Lauda, M.D. (Austria) Thomas Levy, M.D., J.D. (USA) Homer Lim, M.D. (Philippines)Stuart Lindsey, Pharm.D. (USA) Victor A. Marcial-Vega, M.D. (Puerto Rico) Charles C. Mary, Jr., M.D. (USA) Mignonne Mary, M.D. (USA)Jun Matsuyama, M.D., Ph.D. (Japan) Joseph Mercola, D.O. (USA)Jorge R. Miranda-Massari, Pharm.D. (Puerto Rico) Karin Munsterhjelm-Ahumada, M.D. (Finland) Tahar Naili, M.D. (Algeria)W. Todd Penberthy, Ph.D. (USA) Dag Viljen Poleszynski, Ph.D. (Norway) Selvam Rengasamy, MBBS, FRCOG (Malaysia)Jeffrey A. Ruterbusch, D.O. (USA) Gert E. Schuitemaker, Ph.D. (Netherlands)T.E. Gabriel Stewart, M.B.B.CH. (Ireland)Hyoungjoo Shin, M.D. (South Korea) Thomas L. Taxman, M.D. (USA)Jagan Nathan Vamanan, M.D. (India) Garry Vickar, MD (USA)Ken Walker, M.D. (Canada)Raymond Yuen, MBBS, MMed (Singapore)Anne Zauderer, D.C. (USA)
Andrew W. Saul, Ph.D. (USA), Editor-In-ChiefEditor, Japanese Edition: Atsuo Yanagisawa, M.D., Ph.D. (Japan)Editor, Chinese Edition: Richard Cheng, M.D., Ph.D. (USA)Robert G. Smith, Ph.D. (USA), Associate EditorHelen Saul Case, M.S. (USA), Assistant EditorMichael S. Stewart, B.Sc.C.S. (USA), Technology EditorJason M. Saul, JD (USA), Legal Consultant
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Vaccines
Moderna coronavirus vaccine: Early results from trial show participants developed antibodies against the virus - CNN
Mon, 18 May 2020 15:53
By Elizabeth Cohen, Senior Medical Correspondent
Updated 12:00 PM EDT, Mon May 18, 2020
(CNN) Study subjects who received Moderna's Covid-19 vaccine had positive early results, according to the biotech company, which partnered with the National Institutes of Health to develop the vaccine.
If future studies go well, the company's vaccine could be available to the public as early as January, Dr. Tal Zaks, Moderna's chief medical officer, told CNN.
"This is absolutely good news and news that we think many have been waiting for for quite some time," Zaks said.
These early data come from the Phase 1 clinical trial, which typically studies a small number of people and focuses on whether a vaccine is safe and elicits an immune response.The results of the study, which was led by the National Institutes Health, have not been peer reviewed or published in a medical journal.
Moderna, based in Cambridge, Massachusetts, is one of eight developers worldwide doing human clinical trials with a vaccine against the novel coronavirus, according to the World Health Organization. Two others, Pfizer and Inovio, are also in the United States, one is at the University of Oxford in Britain, and four are in China.
Moderna has vaccinated dozens of study participants and measured antibodies in eight of them. All eight developed neutralizing antibodies to the virus at levels reaching or exceeding the levels seen in people who've naturally recovered from Covid-19, according to the company.
Neutralizing antibodies bind to the virus, disabling it from attacking human cells.
"We've demonstrated that these antibodies, this immune response, can actually block the virus," Zaks said. "I think this is a very important first step in our journey towards having a vaccine."
A vaccine specialist who is not involved in Moderna's work said the company's results are "great."
"It shows that not only did the antibody bind to the virus, but it prevented the virus from infecting the cells," said Dr. Paul Offit, a member of the NIH panel that's setting a framework for vaccine studies in the US.
While the vaccine had promising results in the lab, it's not known if it will protect people in the real world. The US Food and Drug Administration has cleared the company to begin Phase 2 trials, which typically involve several hundred of people, and Moderna plans to start large-scale clinical trials, known as Phase 3 trials, in July, which typically involve tens of thousands of people.
Offit said before the pandemic, vaccine developers would typically test out their product in thousands of people before moving on to Phase 3, but that Moderna is "extremely unlikely" to have vaccinated that many by July, since they've only vaccinated dozens so far.
He said it makes sense to Moderna to move into Phase 3 without vaccinating that many people, given that Covid-19 is killing thousands of people each day.
"This is a different time," Offit said.
In January, Dr. Anthony Fauci, the director of the National Institute for Allergies and Infectious Diseases, said it would take about 12 to 18 months to get a vaccine on the market. Zaks said he agreed with that estimate for Moderna's vaccine, putting a delivery date somewhere between January and June of next year.
In the Moderna study, three participants developed fever and other flu-like symptoms when they received the vaccine at a dose of 250 micrograms. Moderna anticipates the Phase 3 study on dosage will be between 25 and 100 micrograms.
So far, the Moderna study subjects who were vaccinated even at 25 and 100 micrograms achieved antibody levels similar to or even higher than people who naturally became infected with coronavirus.
But it's not clear whether natural infection confers immunity to re-infection, and so similarly it's not clear whether vaccination confers immunity.
"That's a good question, and the truth is, we don't know that yet," Zaks said. "We are going to have to conduct formal efficacy trials where you vaccinate many, many people, and then you monitor them in the ensuing months to make sure they don't get sick."
CNN's Devon Sayers contributed to this report.
War on Weed
U of L scientists develop new medical cannabis cultivars that show promise in combatting COVID-19 virus | UNews
Tue, 19 May 2020 08:07
U of L scientists develop new medical cannabis cultivars that show promise in combatting COVID-19 virus In partnership with the University of Lethbridge, Pathway RX, a research company focused on developing custom cannabis therapies, and Swysh, a company focused on cannabinoid research and development, have found that specific Cannabis sativa extracts show promise as an additional treatment for COVID-19.
''While our most successful extracts require further validation in a large-scale analysis and an animal model, our study is crucial for the future analysis of the effects of medical cannabis on COVID-19,'' say Drs. Igor (CEO of Pathway RX) and Olga Kovalchuk, both U of L biology professors.
The Kovalchuks and a team of researchers recently submitted a paper about their research study on the effects of medical cannabis on COVID-19 to a journal for publication and their manuscript has been uploaded to Preprints. This means the research has not yet been peer reviewed or been published in a journal.
The study focused on how certain cannabis extracts affected ACE2 and TMPRSS2 proteins. These proteins are imbedded into the cellular membrane and represent a key gateway for the COVID-19 virus to enter host cells. The researchers used C. sativa extracts to modulate the levels of these enzymes. Initial data suggest that 13 C. sativa extracts high in the anti-inflammatory CBD (cannabinoid cannabidiol) can modulate ACE2 expression in COVID-19 target tissues and down-regulate TMPRSS2. The results demonstrate that these high-CBD C. sativa lines have potential to become a useful and safe addition to COVID-19 treatment. They could be used to develop preventative treatments in the form of a mouthwash or throat gargle product for clinical and home use.
''Given the current dire and rapidly developing epidemiological situation, every possible therapeutic opportunity and avenue needs to be considered,'' says Kovalchuk. ''Our research team is actively pursuing partnerships to conduct clinical trials.''
Through Pathway RX, Kovalchuk has generated more than 1,000 C. sativa hybrids and tested them on human tissues and cells to learn about their biological activity. These varieties have been patented and are currently licensed to Sundial Growers, an Alberta-based licensed cannabis producer and partner of Pathway RX.
Vape Wars
PP
New fetish trending online involves couples purposefully getting pregnant so they can abort for sexual gratification '' TheLiberal.ie '' Our News, Your Views
Mon, 18 May 2020 07:25
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The woman behind 'Roe v. Wade' didn't change her mind on abortion. She was paid
Tue, 19 May 2020 22:53
(C) (FX) Norma McCorvey in a scene from the FX documentary "AKA Jane Roe." When Norma McCorvey, the anonymous plaintiff in the landmark Roe v. Wade case, came out against abortion in 1995, it stunned the world and represented a huge symbolic victory for abortion opponents: ''Jane Roe'' had gone to the other side. For the remainder of her life, McCorvey worked to overturn the law that bore her name.
But it was all a lie, McCorvey says in a documentary filmed in the months before her death in 2017, claiming she only did it because she was paid by antiabortion groups including Operation Rescue.
''I was the big fish. I think it was a mutual thing. I took their money and they'd put me out in front of the cameras and tell me what to say. That's what I'd say,'' she says in ''AKA Jane Roe,'' which premieres Friday on FX. ''It was all an act. I did it well too. I am a good actress.''
In what she describes as a ''deathbed confession,'' a visibly ailing McCorvey restates her support for reproductive rights in colorful terms: ''If a young woman wants to have an abortion, that's no skin off my a**. That's why they call it choice.''
Arriving in an election year as the Supreme Court is considering a high-profile abortion case with the potential to undermine Roe vs. Wade and several states across the country have imposed so-called ''heartbeat laws'' effectively banning the procedure, ''AKA Jane Roe'' is likely to provoke strong emotions on both sides of this perennial front in the culture wars.
Director Nick Sweeney says his goal was not necessarily to stir controversy, but to create a fully realized portrait of a flawed, fascinating woman who changed the course of American history but felt she was used as a pawn by both sides in the debate.
''The focus of the film is Norma. That's what I really want people to take away from the film '-- who is this enigmatic person at the center of this very divisive issue,'' he says. ''With an issue like this there can be a temptation for different players to reduce 'Jane Roe' to an emblem or a trophy, and behind that is a real person with a real story. Norma was incredibly complex.''
Sweeney started making the film in April 2016, frequently visiting McCorvey in Katy, Texas. At first, he says, she was reticent, ''but when she realized when I was not involved in the abortion debate she was very happy to open up.'' Over the course of the time they spent together, McCorvey recounted details of her difficult upbringing '-- marked by abuse, neglect and a stint in reform school '-- turbulent personal life, including a short-lived teenage marriage, and a decadeslong relationship with girlfriend Connie Gonzalez.
''I thought she was extremely interesting and enigmatic. I liked that her life was full of these fascinating contradictions,'' says Sweeney, who also interviewed figures on either side of the abortion issue who were close to McCorvey, including attorney Gloria Allred and Rob Schenck, an evangelical minister and former leader of Operation Rescue.
McCorvey comes across as funny, sharp and unfiltered, with a broad performative streak. She rattles off lines from ''Macbeth'' and jokes, ''I'm a very glamorous person '-- I can't help it, it's a gift.''
The documentary includes scenes of McCorvey on election night 2016 '-- a few months before she died of heart failure at age 69 '-- expressing her support for Hillary Clinton. ''I wish I knew how many abortions Donald Trump was responsible for,'' McCorvey muses. ''I'm sure he's lost count, if he can count that high.''
''She had a kind of sly wit,'' says Sweeney, recalling the many hours he spent with her in Katy, going on doughnut runs or sitting in a park, where she'd make him pick magnolia flowers.
But there is also great sadness, particularly surrounding her relationship with Gonzalez, which she renounced after her conversion in 1995.
The film explores one of the great ironies of McCorvey's life story: Although she helped make abortion legal, McCorvey herself never had an abortion. She was pregnant with her third child when, in 1970, she signed an affidavit challenging laws in Texas which prohibited abortions except to save a mother's life. As an impoverished, uneducated woman lacking the means to travel out of state or obtain an illegal procedure, she was an ideal plaintiff for the lawyers who tried the case, Sarah Weddington and Linda Coffee.
''I know how I felt when I found out that I was pregnant and I wasn't going to let another woman feel that way '-- cheap, dirty and no good,'' McCorvey says in the film. ''Women make mistakes, and they make mistakes with men, and things happen. It's just Mother Nature at work. You can't stop it. You can't explain it. It's just something that happens.''
But it would take three years before the Supreme Court would render a verdict, by which time McCorvey had long since given birth to a girl who was given up for adoption. (Her second child had also been given up for adoption; her first child was raised by her mother.) McCorvey remembers learning of the decision in the newspaper and receiving a phone call from Weddington saying they'd won. ''Why would I be excited? I had a baby, but I gave her away. It's for all the women who come after me.''
''AKA Jane Roe'' also shows how McCorvey was held at arm's length by abortion rights proponents. After a decade of anonymity, McCorvey went public in the 1980s and began granting interviews, and was depicted in the Emmy-winning TV movie, ''Roe vs. Wade,'' starring Holly Hunter. But to the leaders of the abortion rights movement, the inconsistencies in her story '-- for a time McCorvey claimed she had gotten pregnant as the result of a rape, then said she had been lying '-- and lack of polish made her a less-than-ideal poster girl for the cause.
In 1995, she was working at a Dallas abortion clinic that was targeted for demonstrations by Operation Rescue, a militant organization known for extreme tactics such as blockading clinics (the group is now known as Operation Save America). She struck up an unlikely friendship with Flip Benham, an evangelical minister, who baptized her in a backyard pool, and for the next two decades of her life was a fixture at antiabortion protests and in documentaries. In 1998, she published a second memoir, ''Won by Love,'' detailing her change of heart on abortion. As Benham recalls with evident pride in ''AKA Jane Roe,'' McCorvey also took part in demonstrations where he burned the LGBT flag and the Quran.
Despite her visible role in the fight against abortion, McCorvey says she was a mercenary, not a true believer. And Schenck, who has also distanced himself from the antiabortion movement, at least particularly corroborates the allegations, saying that she was paid out of concern ''that she would go back to the other side,'' he says in the film. ''There were times I wondered: Is she playing us? And what I didn't have the guts to say was, because I know damn well we were playing her.''
Schenck expresses regret at targeting McCorvey, someone whose vulnerabilities could be easily exploited, he says. ''What we did with Norma was highly unethical. The jig is up.''
#MeToo
Is Ronan Farrow Too Good to Be True? - The New York Times
Tue, 19 May 2020 16:46
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It was a breathtaking story, written by The New Yorker's marquee reporter and published with an attention-grabbing headline: ''Missing Files Motivated the Leak of Michael Cohen's Financial Records.''
In it, the reporter, Ronan Farrow, suggests something suspicious unfolding inside the Treasury Department: A civil servant had noticed that records about Mr. Cohen, the personal lawyer for President Trump, mysteriously vanished from a government database in the spring of 2018. Mr. Farrow quotes the anonymous public servant as saying he was so concerned about the records' disappearance that he leaked other financial reports to the media to sound a public alarm about Mr. Cohen's financial activities.
The story set off a frenzied reaction, with MSNBC's Chris Hayes calling it ''an amazing shocking story about a whistle-blower'' and his colleague Rachel Maddow describing it as ''a meteor strike.'' Congressional Democrats demanded answers, and the Treasury Department promised to investigate.
Two years after publication, little of Mr. Farrow's article holds up, according to prosecutors and court documents. The Treasury Department records on Michael Cohen never went ''missing.'' That was merely the story put forward by the civil servant, an Internal Revenue Service analyst named John Fry, who later pleaded guilty to illegally leaking confidential information.
The records were simply put on restricted access, a longstanding practice to prevent leaks, a possibility Mr. Farrow briefly allows for in his story, but minimizes. And Mr. Fry's leaks had been encouraged and circulated by a man who was barely mentioned in Mr. Farrow's article, the now-disgraced lawyer Michael Avenatti, a passionate antagonist of Mr. Cohen.
Mr. Farrow may now be the most famous investigative reporter in America, a rare celebrity-journalist who followed the opposite path of most in the profession: He began as a boy-wonder talk show host and worked his way downward to the coal face of hard investigative reporting. The child of the actress Mia Farrow and the director Woody Allen, he has delivered stories of stunning and lasting impact, especially his revelations about powerful men who preyed on young women in the worlds of Hollywood, television and politics, which won him a Pulitzer Prize.
I've been watching Mr. Farrow's astonishing rise over the past few years, marveling at his ability to shine a light on some of the defining stories of our time, especially the sexual misconduct of the Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein, which culminated with Mr. Weinstein's conviction in February just before the pandemic took hold. But some aspects of his work made me wonder if Mr. Farrow didn't, at times, fly a little too close to the sun.
Because if you scratch at Mr. Farrow's reporting in The New Yorker and in his 2019 best seller, ''Catch and Kill: Lies, Spies, and a Conspiracy to Protect Predators,'' you start to see some shakiness at its foundation. He delivers narratives that are irresistibly cinematic '-- with unmistakable heroes and villains '-- and often omits the complicating facts and inconvenient details that may make them less dramatic. At times, he does not always follow the typical journalistic imperatives of corroboration and rigorous disclosure, or he suggests conspiracies that are tantalizing but he cannot prove.
Mr. Farrow, 32, is not a fabulist. His reporting can be misleading but he does not make things up. His work, though, reveals the weakness of a kind of resistance journalism that has thrived in the age of Donald Trump: That if reporters swim ably along with the tides of social media and produce damaging reporting about public figures most disliked by the loudest voices, the old rules of fairness and open-mindedness can seem more like impediments than essential journalistic imperatives.
That can be a dangerous approach, particularly in a moment when the idea of truth and a shared set of facts is under assault.
The New Yorker has made Mr. Farrow a highly visible, generational star for its brand. And Mr. Farrow's supporters there point out the undeniable impact of his reporting '-- which ousted abusers like New York's attorney general, Eric Schneiderman, and helped rewrite the rules of sex and power in the workplace, sometimes with his colleague Jane Mayer. Ken Auletta, The New Yorker writer who helped Mr. Farrow take his work from NBC to the magazine, said that the important thing is that Mr. Farrow helped reveal Mr. Weinstein's predatory behavior to the world and bring him down.
''Are all the Ts crossed and the Is dotted? No,'' Mr. Auletta said of some of Mr. Farrow's most sweeping claims of a conspiracy between Mr. Weinstein and NBC to suppress his work.
''You're still left with the bottom line '-- he delivered the goods,'' Mr. Auletta said.
David Remnick, editor of The New Yorker, defended Mr. Farrow's reporting, calling it ''scrupulous, tireless, and, above all, fair.''
''Working alongside fact checkers, lawyers and other editorial staff members at The New Yorker, he achieved something remarkable, not least because he earned the trust of his sources, many of whom had to relive traumatic events when they talked to him,'' Mr. Remnick said in a statement. ''We stand by Ronan Farrow's reporting. We're proud to publish him.''
Mr. Farrow, in his own statement to The New York Times, said he brings ''caution, rigor, and nuance'' to each of his stories. ''I'm proud of a body of reporting that has helped to expose wrongdoing and to bring important stories into public view.''
It's impossible, however, to go back and answer the question of whether Mr. Farrow's explosive early reporting would have carried such power if he'd been more rigorous and taken care to show what he knew and what he didn't. Is the cost of a more dramatic story worth paying? Because this much is certain: There is a cost.
That becomes clear in an examination of Mr. Farrow's debut article on Mr. Weinstein, back in October 2017, which provided the first clear, on-the-record claim that Mr. Weinstein had gone beyond the systematic sexual harassment and abuse revealed days earlier by The Times into something that New York prosecutors could charge as rape. The accuser was Lucia Evans, a college student whom Mr. Weinstein had approached at a private club, and then later lured to his office with a promise of acting opportunities. There, she told Mr. Farrow, he forced her to perform oral sex on him.
Image The Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein inside Manhattan Criminal Court during his arraignment on sexual assault charges in 2018. Credit... Pool photo by Steven Hirsch But a fundamental principle of the contemporary craft of reporting on sexual assault is corroboration: the painstaking task of tracking down friends and neighbors a traumatized victim may have confided in soon after the assault, to see if their accounts align with the victim's story and to give it more '-- or less '-- weight. In much of the strongest #metoo reporting, from the stories about Mr. Weinstein in The New York Times to The Washington Post's expos(C) of Charlie Rose and even some of Mr. Farrow's other articles, clunky paragraphs interrupt the narrative to explain what an accuser told friends, and often, to explore any conflicting accounts. Americans are now watching this complicated form of reporting play out in the stories about Tara Reade, who has accused Joe Biden of assaulting her.
Mr. Farrow's first big story on Mr. Weinstein offered readers little visibility into the question of whether Ms. Evans's story could be corroborated. He could have indicated that he had, or hadn't, been able to corroborate what Ms. Evans said, or reported what her friends from the time had told the magazine. He wrote instead: ''Evans told friends some of what had happened, but felt largely unable to talk about it.''
It appears Mr. Farrow was making a narrative virtue of a reporting liability, and the results were ultimately damaging.
A crucial witness, the friend who was with Ms. Evans when both women met Mr. Weinstein at the club, later told prosecutors that when a fact checker for The New Yorker called her about Mr. Farrow's story, she hadn't confirmed Ms. Evans's account of rape. Instead, according to a letter from prosecutors to defense lawyers, the witness told the magazine that ''something inappropriate happened,'' and refused to go into detail.
But the witness later told a New York Police Department detective something more problematic: That Ms. Evans had told her the sexual encounter with Mr. Weinstein was consensual. The detective told the witness that her response to the magazine's fact checker ''was more consistent'' with Ms. Evans's allegation against Mr. Weinstein and suggested she stick to The New Yorker version, prosecutors from the Manhattan district attorneys office later acknowledged. The detective denied the exchange, but when Mr. Weinstein's lawyers unearthed the witness's contradictory accounts, the judge dismissed the charge. Mr. Weinstein's lawyers gloated, though, of course, their client was ultimately convicted on other counts.
In his 2019 book, ''Catch and Kill,'' Mr. Farrow dismisses the incident as an issue with a ''peripheral witness'' and attacks Mr. Weinstein's lawyer Benjamin Brafman for ''private espionage.''
A similar problem appears at the heart of ''Catch and Kill,'' in a section in which he describes Matt Lauer assaulting a junior employee at NBC. In Mr. Farrow's telling, Mr. Lauer's accuser leaves his dressing room after the assault. ''Crying, she ran to the new guy she'd started seeing, a producer who was working in the control room that morning, and told him what had happened.'' Mr. Farrow and the fact checker for his book, Sean Lavery, never called ''the new guy'' to corroborate the story, both Mr. Lavery and the man told me.
''I might look at something and say that's good enough, there's enough other evidence that something happened,'' Mr. Lavery said, speaking hypothetically, when I asked why he and Mr. Farrow didn't call a potentially corroborating witness.
But the ''new guy'' told me that, in fact, he doesn't remember the scene that was portrayed in the book. He spoke on the condition he not be identified.
When I told Mr. Farrow that in an email last week, he wrote back: ''I am confident that the conversation took place as described and it was verified in multiple ways.''
Mr. Farrow did not share his methods. But this much is clear: Mr. Farrow and the fact checker never called the producer. And if they had, that element of the story would have been much more complicated '-- or would never have appeared in print.
Image Matt Lauer, on the set of the NBC show ''Today'' in September 2017. He was fired two months later. Credit... Nathan Congleton/NBC, via Getty Images Mr. Lauer was fired from NBC, and a series of reports and an internal investigation portrayed him as a star who abused his power in the workplace for sex. He declined to speak for the record during a telephone conversation, except to say that he had found issues with the corroboration of Mr. Farrow's reporting on him.
It's hard to feel much sympathy for a predator like Mr. Weinstein or to shed tears over Mr. Lauer's firing. And readers may brush aside these reporting issues as the understandable desire of a zealous young reporter to tell his stories as dramatically as he can.
But Mr. Farrow brings that same inclination to the other big theme that shapes his work: conspiracy. His stories are built and sold on his belief '-- which he rarely proves '-- that powerful forces and people are conspiring against those trying to do good, especially Mr. Farrow himself.
At the heart of ''Catch and Kill'' is an electrifying suggestion: that Mr. Weinstein blackmailed NBC executives to kill Mr. Farrow's story on his sexual misconduct with the threat that The National Enquirer would expose Mr. Lauer's misconduct if they did not. This is the ''conspiracy'' in the book's subtitle. And it is the thread that holds together its narrative.
In Mr. Farrow's telling, by the end of July 2017, he had nailed down the story of Mr. Weinstein's pattern of sexual predation, and the NBC brass had begun to shut him down. He has said repeatedly that he had at least two women on the record for his story at the time he left NBC for The New Yorker. He told NPR in an interview, ''There is no draft of this story that NBC had that had fewer than two named women.'' But NBC has disputed that claim, and an NBC employee showed me what he described as the final draft of Mr. Farrow's script, as of Aug. 7. It had no on-the-record, on-camera interviews. (It did have one strong piece of reporting that Mr. Farrow took to The New Yorker: an audio recording of Mr. Weinstein appearing to confess to an Italian model that he had groped her. )
Nor does Mr. Farrow provide any proof that NBC executives were acting out of fear of blackmail when they refused to air his story, a central theme he promoted on his book tour. When the ABC host George Stephanopoulos asked Mr. Farrow about ''the suggestion that Mr. Weinstein was blackmailing NBC News,'' Mr. Farrow replied, ''Multiple sources do say that, and the way in which that's framed is very careful.'' Pressed on whether NBC had let the story go ''because they were afraid information about Matt Lauer was going to get out,'' Mr. Farrow replied, ''That is what the extensive conversations, transcripts, and documents presented in this book suggest.''
But the reporting in the book does not bear that out. And in the absence of compelling proof, Mr. Farrow relies on what the critic and private detective Anne Diebel earlier this year described in The New York Review of Books as ''New Journalism on the sly'' '-- using novelistic technique to make his case. Mr. Farrow, for example, describes the facial expressions and physical gestures of NBC executives during his meetings with them, and then deduces dark motives.
''If the Lauer threat was indeed made, and taken seriously, then NBC's killing of the story is not just a case of muddy corporate cowardice; it's a case of abject journalistic malfeasance and moral failure,'' Ms. Diebel wrote. ''But in the absence of persuasive sourcing, Farrow's exploration of the alternatives is insufficient.''
Even Mr. Auletta, a supporter and mentor to Mr. Farrow, told me that Mr. Farrow's central conspiracy allegation was unproven.
Image Photographers gathered outside the State Supreme Court in Manhattan in February as Mr. Weinstein arrived for his trial. Credit... Desiree Rios for The New York Times The one on-the-record source supporting the core conspiracy theory in ''Catch and Kill'' is William Arkin, a maverick journalist and acolyte of Seymour Hersh who departed bitterly from NBC soon after Mr. Farrow.
In a curious passage in ''Catch and Kill,'' Mr. Farrow writes that Mr. Arkin '-- an ally of his at the network '-- told him of two anonymous sources who made the charge. In a telephone interview last week, Mr. Arkin told me that his sources, only one of whom offered a firsthand account, had been unwilling to speak to Mr. Farrow for his book. Mr. Arkin said the firsthand source told him that Mr. Weinstein had made a threat to an NBC executive about exposing Mr. Lauer, but that he doesn't know who told his source. And he said he had no knowledge of the other elements of Mr. Farrow's shadowy suggestions '-- the involvement of The National Enquirer, or whether executives actually shut down Mr. Farrow's story because of a threat. (NBC has denied that Mr. Weinstein threatened anyone and said most of the producer's communication was with MSNBC's president, Phil Griffin, who wasn't directly involved in the reporting on Mr. Weinstein.)
Two other NBC journalists, neither of whom would speak for the record, expressed a different view, which is shared by network executives: That Mr. Farrow was a talented young reporter with big ambitions but little experience, who didn't realize how high the standards of proof were, particularly at slow-moving, super-cautious news networks. A normal clash between a young reporter and experienced editors turned toxic.
Mr. Arkin said he agreed with NBC's view that Mr. Farrow didn't have the Weinstein story nailed by August 2017, when he took the story to The New Yorker. But Mr. Arkin said he also believed that NBC didn't really want the story.
The right move would have been to ''take a 29-year-old and you hold him by the hand and you walk him through the story,'' Mr. Arkin said in a telephone interview. ''Instead what they did was they took him out to the deep end and threw him in '-- and then they said 'Oh my God, you can't swim.'''
That's an account less heroic than Mr. Farrow's. It's also hard to argue that NBC wouldn't have been better off staying close to Mr. Farrow and getting the story.
Mr. Farrow's other irresistible conspiracy has even less to support it: that Hillary Clinton, whom Mr. Farrow had once worked for at the State Department, also sought to kill his reporting and protect Mr. Weinstein. In ''Catch and Kill,'' Mr. Farrow described receiving an ''ominous'' call from Nick Merrill, a spokesman for Mrs. Clinton, in the summer of 2017 saying his Weinstein reporting was ''a concern.'' ''It's remarkable,'' Mr. Farrow told The Financial Times about Mrs. Clinton during his book tour, ''how quickly even people with a long relationship with you will turn if you threaten the centers of power or the sources of funding around them.''
But Mr. Farrow appears to have misinterpreted Mr. Merrill's call. Mr. Merrill said at the time that Mrs. Clinton was preparing to do a documentary film with Mr. Weinstein, and the Clinton camp was trying to find out if damaging reporting was about to be published about the producer. He had no way of proving it, but another reporter he spoke to at the time about Mr. Weinstein shared with me text messages that back Mr. Merrill's account, and contradict Mr. Farrow's. ''We're about to do business with him unless this is real,'' Mr. Merrill wrote the other reporter on July 6. In other words, Mr. Merrill was trying to protect his boss, not Mr. Weinstein.
Predictably, Mr. Farrow's account was seized on by Mrs. Clinton's detractors, both on the right and left, who saw it as vivid confirmation that Mrs. Clinton was a devious and manipulative character.
When I asked Mr. Farrow whether he has evidence for his conspiracies, he first referred the questions to his publisher, Little, Brown. Sabrina Callahan, the executive director of publicity for Little, Brown, said in an email: ''The book is very careful about laying out the facts uncovered by Ronan around NBC's contact with Weinstein and his associates '-- and only going as far as the facts support,'' adding, ''We would encourage people to read it and form their own conclusions.''
When I asked specifically about the Clinton conspiracy, she said, ''Ronan's book recounts his own experiences.''
The essence of those responses '-- the first legalistic in a misleading way, the second to suggest Mr. Farrow's journalistic conclusions are based on his subjective experience '-- captures the deepest danger of Mr. Farrow's approach. We are living in an era of conspiracies and dangerous untruths '-- many pushed by President Trump, but others hyped by his enemies '-- that have lured ordinary Americans into passionately believing wild and unfounded theories and fiercely rejecting evidence to the contrary. The best reporting tries to capture the most attainable version of the truth, with clarity and humility about what we don't know. Instead, Mr. Farrow told us what we wanted to believe about the way power works, and now, it seems, he and his publicity team are not even pretending to know if it's true.
On Sunday night, Mr. Farrow offered another defense of the word ''conspiracy'' in his book's subtitle, saying it ''accurately conveys the substance of the book and efforts by powerful men to evade accountability.'' He added, ''With respect to Weinstein, I carefully lay out the various levers of pressure exerted against my reporting '-- through personal relationships, private espionage, legal threats, etc.''
Image Mr. Farrow last year in New York. Credit... Mike Pont/Getty Images I'm writing this for The Times, which competed with Mr. Farrow on many stories and shared the Pulitzer Prize with him in 2018 for coverage of sexual harassment. I wasn't here during that coverage. What first set off my skepticism about Mr. Farrow's work was reporting in 2018 by Jason Leopold at BuzzFeed News, when I was editor in chief there. (Disclosure: I don't cover BuzzFeed extensively in this column because I retain stock options in the company, which I left in February. I've agreed to divest those options by the end of the year.) That reporting made clear that Mr. Farrow's article on the Cohen documents was wrong '-- that they were not missing, but merely restricted to avoid leaks of sensitive materials.
And I found more recently when I dug into the Cohen story that for all Mr. Farrow's attraction to screenplay-ready narratives, he missed one that was made for this moment. The real story of John Fry, the I.R.S. employee who leaked Mr. Cohen's records, went like this: Amid the swirl of the scandal involving Stormy Daniels, Mr. Avenatti, her lawyer, took to Twitter one day in May 2018, and demanded that the Treasury Department release Mr. Cohen's records.
Mr. Fry, a longtime I.R.S. employee based in San Francisco, was one of the legions of followers of Mr. Avenatti's Twitter account, and had frequently liked his posts. Hours after Mr. Avenatti's tweet that day, Mr. Fry started searching for the documents on the government database, downloaded them, then immediately contacted Mr. Avenatti and later sent him Mr. Cohen's confidential records, according to court documents. ''John: I cannot begin to tell you how much I appreciate this. Thank you,'' Mr. Avenatti wrote to Mr. Fry, according to the documents, then pressed him for more.
Mr. Fry ended up pleading guilty to a federal charge of unauthorized disclosure of confidential reports this January. In Mr. Fry's defense, his lawyer said he had been watching ''hours and hours'' of television, and described him as ''a victim of cable news.''
Mr. Farrow has a big following on social media, too, and some of the same tendencies that undermine his reporting show up there. In January, when jurors were being selected for the Weinstein trial, they were asked what they had read about Mr. Weinstein to see if they could serve impartially. Mr. Farrow tweeted that a ''source involved in Weinstein trial tells me close to 50 potential jurors have been sent home because they said they'd read Catch and Kill.''
Mr. Farrow was not in the courtroom that day, and he told me last week that his source stands by that figure. But the court reporter, Randy Berkowitz, told me that he recalled laughing with lawyers and court staff the day after about Mr. Farrow's tweet, which he said was seen as ''ridiculous.''
And Jan Ransom, a reporter who covered the trial for the Times, was there. The actual number of potential jurors who read the book, according to Ms. Ransom's reporting? Two.
Matt Lauer: Why Ronan Farrow is Indeed Too Good to be True
Tue, 19 May 2020 16:26
Slaven Vlasic/Getty Images
Editor's Note: After Matt Lauer submitted this piece, a response to Ronan Farrow's book Catch and Kill, Mediaite editors independently fact checked the accounts of the four witnesses/subjects Lauer spoke with and cites in this piece. All confirmed in early February that Lauer's account of their conversations was accurate.
As with all Mediaite opinion pieces, the views expressed in this article are those of the author.
A note of context:
I had originally intended to release this piece in November of 2019, but personal considerations at that time, and later news events impacting us all, delayed those plans. This week The New York Times published a piece that was highly critical of Ronan Farrow's journalistic methods and standards. Ronan stood by his reporting in response. The Times story prompted me to move forward with my own findings.
***
In late November 2017, I was fired from my job at the Today show after admitting to having a consensual, yet inappropriate relationship with a fellow employee in the workplace. NBC said it was a violation of company policy, and it ended my 25-year career at the network.
I say these words with sincerity and humility. I am sorry for the way I conducted myself. I made some terrible decisions, and I betrayed the trust of many people.
If this story had ended there you would not be reading this. But, it did not end there.
On October 9, 2019, I was falsely accused of rape.
The allegation came from Brooke Nevils, the same woman whose complaint resulted in my termination at NBC. It was made public as part of the promotional rollout for a new book by Ronan Farrow. This accusation was one of the worst and most consequential things to ever happen in my life, it was devastating for my family, and outrageously it was used to sell books.
At no time did Brooke Nevils ever use the words ''assault'' or ''rape'' in regards to any accusation against me while filing her complaint with NBC in November of 2017. That has been confirmed publicly. NBC never suggested I was being accused of such an offense when I met with their attorney on Nov. 28 of that same year. They have also confirmed that publicly.
I was shaken, but not surprised, that few in the media were willing to thoroughly challenge the accusations against me, or the person making them. The rush to judgment was swift. In fact, on the morning I was falsely accused of rape, and before I could even issue a statement, some journalists were already calling my accuser ''brave'' and ''courageous.'' While the presumption of innocence is only guaranteed in a court of law, I felt journalists should have, at the very least, recognized and considered it.
I was also disappointed, but not surprised, that Ronan Farrow's overall reporting faced so little scrutiny. Until this week's critical reporting by The New York Times, many in the media perceived his work as inherently beyond basic questioning. However, he was hardly an unbiased journalist when it came to anything to do with NBC, and he was rarely challenged as he dropped salacious stories in a daily marketing effort designed to create media attention for his book.
What I found when I read the book was frankly shocking, and it should concern anyone who cares about journalism. This is not just about accusations against the former host of the Today show.
It's about whether changing social attitudes can be allowed to change the most fundamental rules of journalism. It's about whether, as journalists, we have a responsibility to check facts and vet sources. It's about understanding the difference between journalism and activism. It is about whether we are putting far too much trust in journalists whose publicly stated opinions impact their ability to remain objective.
Ronan Farrow
It is a fact that Ronan Farrow had negative feelings about NBC when he parted ways with the network in 2017. His history with NBC/Comcast is a matter of public record.
He had his show on MSNBC cancelled, and he openly claimed that the network spiked his reporting on the Harvey Weinstein scandal. He spoke about his dissatisfaction publicly. It would be hard for anyone to argue that, when Ronan set out to write his book, he was even close to objective or unbiased when it came to NBC.
I am not suggesting that everything Ronan has written in his book is untrue or based on misinformation, but it is clear that over the course of nearly two years he became a magnet and a willing ear for anyone with negative stories about the network and people who worked for it. Consequently, he cultivated many sources who were also disgruntled or who had been fired by NBC, and therefore had an incentive to come up with explanations for why their careers there didn't work out.
I believe Ronan knew his work on Catch and Kill would receive little in the way of scrutiny, from the very beginning. It's the only way to explain why he was so willing to abandon common sense and true fact checking in favor of salacious, and deeply flawed, material. I also believe that some of Ronan's sources felt they could make outrageous claims to him, knowing he (and thus their stories) would not be doubted.
I'm sure he also understood that some people he referenced even indirectly in his book, who might completely contradict his version of events, would be too intimidated to step forward and correct the record. Ronan knows, as well as anyone, that there is a great deal of fear surrounding this subject, and it would take an act of selfless bravery (some might say foolishness) for anyone to challenge him, or the story of an alleged victim of sexual assault.
Just as I was immediately labeled a ''victim blamer'' when I released a statement defending myself on Oct. 9, 2019 others would fear the same treatment if they publicly disagreed with Ronan's reporting. Look at the criticism Times writer Ben Smith has received for his story. I believe Ronan was counting on their silence.
There are four primary ways in which Ronan betrayed the truth in writing his book.
1. He consistently failed to confirm stories told to him by his main sources.
2. He failed to provide evidence of important communications he alleges took place between accusers and me. In most cases, Ronan doesn't even claim to have personally seen evidence of those communications.
3. He used misleading language to manipulate readers into believing things that could easily be false, or were at least un-provable. In some cases he undeniably withheld information from the reader that would call the credibility of sources into question.
4. He routinely presented stories in a way that would suit his activist goals, as opposed to any kind of journalistic standards.
In the following examples I deliberately avoid challenging accusations, which only result in questions of ''he said, she said.'' It is impossible to settle those questions in this format.
Instead I focus on flawed reporting and factual errors that could have easily been avoided with minimal effort on Ronan Farrow's part, and which bring his version of this narrative into a significantly different light.
What I am sharing here tightly fits the pattern of journalistic lapses laid out in reporting on Farrow by The New York Times.
''At times, he does not always follow the typical journalistic imperatives of corroboration and rigorous disclosure, or he suggests conspiracies that are tantalizing but he cannot prove,'' Times writer Ben Smith wrote of Farrow in his piece on Monday, May 18.
Shortly before Ronan's book was released, Hachette, the company that published it, wrote this as part of a statement.
''The explosive and important new reporting in Catch and Kill has been meticulously vetted and fact checked.'' ''We are proud to be publishing this book.''
Just days before the book was released, Ronan gave an interview to George Stephanopoulos of ABC News. Stephanopoulos asked, ''If [Lauer] or his allies say you didn't fact check those claims?''
''Extensively fact checked, as with everything in this book,'' Farrow replied.
See if you agree with those statements as you read on.
A Glaring Lack of Confirmation
Page 387
Ronan suggests that Brooke Nevils' accusations against me are valid, because he writes:
Nevils told 'like a million people' about Lauer. She told her inner circle of friends. She told colleagues and superiors at NBC. She was never inconsistent and she made the seriousness of what happened clear.
Does Ronan offer any proof of this claim? Does he say he confirmed this story with any of the friends or colleagues she claims to have told about the ''seriousness'' of what she now alleges happened in Sochi? Does he include a single comment or quote from a corroborating source for these claims?
No, he does not.
He writes:
When [Brooke] moved to a new job within the company, working as a producer for Peacock Productions, she reported it to one of her new bosses there. She felt they should know, in case it became public and she became a liability.
Does he write that he tried to track down that superior at Peacock Productions? (Which, it should be noted, is completely separate from the Today show.) Did he include a quote or a comment from that superior?
Did he contact that superior to find out if they had, in fact, been told about the ''seriousness'' of what Brooke now claims?
No, he did not. How do I know that? Because I did.
It took me 15 minutes to find out who that ''new boss'' was. I then contacted Sharon Scott, who ran Peacock Productions at the time Brooke was hired there. Sharon, concerned that she might not have been made aware of a serious situation involving a member of her staff, contacted Brooke's direct superior. They spoke at length.
That new boss told Sharon Scott that, one night, Brooke simply started talking about having an affair with me. She said, most importantly, that Brooke never said a single word about this being anything but a consensual affair. She said Brooke, in no way, conveyed ''the seriousness'' of what she now claims. There was never a mention of assault or rape. She says she considered Brooke a friend and Brooke told the story the way someone would gossip with a friend. She told Sharon Scott that there was nothing in what Brooke told her that made her feel it was necessary to contact anyone in management about any concerns.
This superior also stated that Ronan Farrow never reached out to her to confirm the story that referenced her in the book.
Page 387
Ronan writes about a claim Brooke makes involving an alleged encounter in my dressing room, which was a floor above the Today show studio. She says she came to my dressing room to get some photos and as she leaned over my desk, she alleges I sexually assaulted her with my hands. He then writes:
Crying, she ran to the new guy she'd started seeing, a producer who was working in the control room that morning, and told him what had happened.
This story, as told in the book, is graphic, disturbing, and false. It's also another example of Ronan failing to confirm a critical claim.
Did he write that he reached out to that ''new guy she'd started seeing'' to make sure the story was accurate? Did he ask that ''new guy'' to share what he heard from Brooke when she allegedly came crying to him in the control room that morning?
He did not.
How do I know that? Because I did.
I called that ''new guy'' myself and we spoke by phone for the better part of two hours. He was very upset at being referenced, even indirectly, in the book but he was worried that he would face criticism if he spoke out.
But he told me that Brooke did not come crying to see him in the control room to discuss any story of an assault involving me. It didn't happen. In fact, that ''new guy'' in Brooke's life told me that he wouldn't have even been in the control room, at the time of day Ronan writes she, ran crying to see him.
The ''control room incident'' simply never happened, because the episode, as Ronan describes it in his book, never did.
That ''new guy'' also told me, as I expected, that Ronan Farrow never reached out to him to fact check the story that referenced him in the book.
Why would any journalist print an allegation of assault without ever contacting the only person who could independently verify or deny an important part of that story?
In The New York Times, Ronan's fact checker Sean Lavery admitted to Ben Smith, on the record, they never reached out to that ''new guy'' to fact check this story in the book.
Pages 386/387
Ronan references another ex-boyfriend of Brooke's who worked for NBC.
He writes that my position of authority over that boyfriend made Brooke feel she couldn't say no to our affair (For the record, I had absolutely no authority over that boyfriend.) He also writes that Brooke's anguish and shame over our sexual encounters ''eventually prompted her to break up with her boyfriend.''
But, he never writes that he spoke to that boyfriend to hear his thoughts on those subjects, or on Brooke in general. This is the person Brooke lived with at the time of the Sochi Olympics, and yet Ronan never spoke to him.
But I did.
I spoke to that ex-boyfriend on several occasions for more than three hours. He knows Brooke intimately and has for many years. He was very reluctant to get involved in this story. Our conversations were difficult, but what he shared with me was illuminating. If Ronan Farrow had been engaged in a real search for the truth, he would have made sure he had the same conversation with the ex-boyfriend I did. Perhaps he didn't want anything to get in the way of his preferred narrative.
That same ex-boyfriend went out of his way to express his concern for Brooke and how she might react to having her allegations challenged.
He also confirmed that he felt I had no authority over him whatsoever at NBC.
The ex-boyfriend made it clear, as I expected, that Ronan Farrow never spoke to him to fact check anything having to do with the references to him in the book, or anything else.
Page 386
One of the biggest challenges for Ronan was to find explanations for Brooke's behavior toward me after what she now claims was an assault in Sochi.
Brooke readily admitted to Ronan that she helped arrange, and participated in future sexual encounters between us in my apartment, over the course of a four-month relationship.
She also told friends she was having an affair with me, without ever mentioning it was anything but consensual.
And finally, she admitted to Ronan (and NBC) that she reached out to me, after the affair had ended, trying to see me again.
These are significant issues, but Ronan deals with them in only a few brief yet illuminating sentences.
''She attempted to convey that she was comfortable and even enthusiastic about the encounters. She even tried to convince herself of the same.''
''She readily admitted that her communications with Lauer might have appeared friendly and obliging.''
But after writing those things, he proceeds to give Brooke the benefit of every single doubt, and finds explanations for all of her actions, while offering me nothing close to the presumption of innocence.
He concludes that Brooke was still in shock over what allegedly happened in Sochi, and she hadn't yet come to the conclusion it was an assault, even over three years later when, in a room with her own lawyer, and two female representatives of NBC, she lodged her complaint without ever mentioning the words ''assault'' or ''rape''.
From start to finish Ronan is acting as Brooke's advocate, not as a journalist investigating her claims. He is breaking a cardinal rule of journalism: he has come to a self-serving conclusion first, and then he sees everything through the prism of that assumption.
There isn't a single quote in the book from anyone who claims that Brooke told them this affair was anything other than consensual. Not one.
Contradictions Left Unchallenged
Page 381
After Brooke filed her complaint against me, resulting in my firing, Ronan writes she was worried she'd be identified. ''I just live in terror,'' she told Farrow.
But Ronan never challenges that assertion notwithstanding what he wrote on page 387, where he directly quotes Brooke as saying she ''told 'like a million people' about Lauer. She told her inner circle of friends. She told colleagues and superiors at NBC.''
Most journalists would have asked Brooke to explain how she could have been terrified she would be identified when, by her own claim, she made little effort to keep her identity secret?
Most journalists would have questioned Brooke about the fact that according to her own words, there would have been ''like a million people'' who could possibly identify her.
Did Ronan challenge her on that claim as a journalist? Did Ronan quote even one of those ''million people'' in his book?
He did not.
While he was writing about Brooke being terrified of losing her anonymity, did he remind the reader, that a year after filing her complaint against me with NBC, Brooke was pitching a book of her own? In fact, Brooke told a close friend (with whom I spoke) that she ''needed Ronan to out her'' in his book, so she would be able to write a book without being criticized for it.
Did Ronan attempt to be transparent about this?
He did not.
Page 386
Ronan writes about what Brooke claims were her emotions during our affair.
''Nevils told friends at the time that she felt trapped.''
Did Ronan speak with those friends? Does he verify this claim?
Does he quote even a single friend of Brooke's who confirms she told them she felt ''trapped'' in the affair? He does not.
No Proof, No Problem.
Page 374
Ronan splashes the content of messages I sent to a former NBC employee named Addie Collins in 2000, across this page, in bold, capital letters.
''NOW YOU'RE KILLING ME'... YOU LOOK GREAT TODAY!''
He wants the reader to see, in dramatic fashion, what I wrote to her in the midst of what she admits was a consensual relationship twenty years ago. I can confirm these are actual messages I wrote and sent. It's embarrassing, but true.
After seeing how eager Ronan was to share the enlarged text of my messages to Addie Collins, the reader might be asking, where are the text messages and emails Ronan claims I sent to Brooke Nevils in Sochi? After all, if messages from a two-decades old, consensual affair are important, messages that led to an allegation of rape in 2014 would have to be crucial.
Why aren't those messages in capital letters on the pages of this book?
While on page 384 Ronan goes out of his way to describe texts and emails he claims Brooke and I exchanged on the night she came to my hotel room in Russia, he offers zero proof that those texts or emails ever existed, or that they existed in the form or sequence he describes.
Isn't it fair to assume that he would have, at the very least, written that he personally viewed those messages?
Isn't it fair to assume that if Ronan had seen them, he would have splashed them across the pages of this book the way he did my messages to Addie Collins?
Does Ronan write that he saw those messages? He does not.
Does Ronan quote anyone else who says they saw them? He does not.
My clear recollection is inconsistent with the course of communications as laid out in Ronan's book. Is it possible a complete examination of communications between Brooke and me that night might reveal a different set of facts?
Playing Word Games
Page 375
Ronan writes:
Over the course of 2018, I'd learn of seven claims of sexual misconduct raised by women who worked with Lauer.
This is Ronan at his most manipulative.
It is imperative to note that although Ronan truly wants the reader to conclude he is saying there were ''seven claims of sexual misconduct'' against me, he is not! In fact he has been forced to admit that on other occasions including in a live television interview on ABC. He is referring to some allegations that have absolutely nothing to do with me. He intentionally writes that there were ''seven claims of sexual misconduct raised by women who worked with Lauer,'' not by women against Lauer, in an attempt to manipulate readers into believing there were seven allegations relating to me. There were not.
In addition, when he writes, ''I'd learn of seven claims'', he intentionally doesn't say he spoke to those women. Is he relying on hearsay? Is he referring to second hand or third hand accounts of these claims? Is he relying on gossip? He never says.
He continues: ''Most of the women could point to documents or other people they'd told to back up their accounts.''
Does Ronan provide a quote from any such document?
He does not.
Page 380
Ronan writes about a ''senior member of the Today show team'' who left the network in 2017 after receiving ''a seven figure payout in exchange for signing a non-disclosure agreement.'' He writes, ''She'd raised harassment and discrimination concerns, though the network said the payout was unrelated to any specific complaint.'' Ronan simply refuses to believe the network's statement that there was no specific complaint leveled as part of that person's exit package. (Certainly not against me.) He uses insinuation to look for cover-ups and conspiracies around every corner.
As Ben Smith wrote in The New York Times, conspiracy is ''the other big theme that shapes his work.''
''His stories are built and sold on his belief '-- which he rarely proves '-- that powerful forces and people are conspiring against those trying to do good, especially Mr. Farrow himself.''
For example, Farrow writes this senior member of the Today show, ''also mentioned Lauer and sexual harassment to one senior vice president '-- though she didn't share with [NBC] the material I later reviewed that showed Lauer had left voice-mails and sent texts that she saw as passes at her.''
If her payout had anything at all to do with me, why wouldn't she have shared with NBC the very same material Ronan claims she shared with him? If she were claiming any kind of harassment on my part, wouldn't voice-mails and texts have represented crucial proof to be revealed to the network?
Did Ronan ask her these questions? If he did, he offers no explanation. He simply lets his insinuation stand.
Ronan carefully writes that he reviewed that material ''she saw as passes at her.'' If he reviewed the material, why can't he say he also felt they were passes at her?
Is it possible those voice-mails and texts were never shared with the network because they didn't reveal harassment and because the circumstances of that employee leaving the network had nothing to do with any complaint against me?
Page 375
Ronan repeats a story that first surfaced shortly after I was fired by NBC.
Ronan writes that an unnamed female colleague had sex with me in my office after I pressed a button that remotely shut the door. (At least he stayed away from the myth that I had a button that could lock someone in my office '-- a fact that NBC has publicly debunked.)
He simply regurgitates this story that was printed in another publication in 2017, also with poor fact checking, and he does nothing to verify it. He writes that during the sexual encounter, ''She passed out. Lauer's assistant took her to a nurse.''
But at no time during his reporting did Ronan ever reach out to my assistant to ask her about this sensational story, or anything else he alleges in this book.
Ronan had nearly two years to fact check this outrageous claim with the most obvious source. But he did not.
This is a woman of honesty and integrity who has been a valued employee at NBC for almost 25 years. How can he write, ''Lauer's assistant took her to a nurse'' without even making the effort to ask my assistant if the story was true?
Does he provide any evidence that anyone else witnessed my assistant accompany someone to the nurse who had passed out in my office?
No, he does not.
Had he called my assistant, she would have told him that she never took anyone to the nurse, who had any kind of medical issue, while in my office. Ever.
Conflicted Sources
Page 377
Ronan often builds stories on a foundation of allegations, made by deeply conflicted sources. But he keeps those conflicts largely hidden by withholding information from the reader.
There is no better example of this than Melissa Lonner.
For nearly 10 years, Lonner has spread a false rumor alleging I exposed myself to her in my office. Absolutely nothing in our professional, platonic relationship leading up to, or following this alleged encounter supports her claim. Nothing.
Lonner oversaw celebrity bookings at Today for several years, but was fired from NBC in 2013. She did not leave the network on good terms.
After Lonner was fired, her job was given to someone close to me. It infuriated her.
Lonner is also a close friend of Ann Curry, and both believed I had a major role in having Ann removed from our show in 2012 in what was a terrible chapter at Today that played out in the headlines. They both blamed me, and they did little to hide their feelings with people, both inside and outside the network.
Lonner is a textbook disgruntled source with a grudge against NBC and me. Does Ronan give this information the attention it deserves? Does he put her story in context? He does not.
In Ronan's first description, Lonner is simply ''the Today producer who met with me (Farrow) after she left to work in radio.'' Only later in the book does he write she was fired by the network. And then, in explaining her dismissal, he manages to craft another elaborate and false conspiracy involving me.
In the book, Ronan uses Ann Curry (whose personal and professional animosity toward me is well documented) as the person Lonner told about the alleged ''exposing'' encounter. Ann tells Ronan on page 378 that she approached two senior executives at NBC about a ''problem'' with me, but admits that she never told anyone at the network about any specific incident or accuser. Ronan never names either of those senior executives at NBC, nor does Ronan offer confirmation or quotes from either.
Conclusion
In an effort to promote one of his Catch and Kill podcasts several months ago, Ronan tweeted the following:
''None of my reporting would be possible without fact-checking''
After investigating Ronan's journalistic efforts myself and reading the recent reporting on him in The New York Times I think that statement falls quite flat.
The examples of shoddy journalism I've explored here are the tip of the iceberg. They are only some, of the many instances I could have cited from the two chapters of this book about me. Maybe others will now begin to ask more questions about the 57 chapters of this book I haven't touched on here.
Will anyone hold Ronan Farrow thoroughly accountable? I doubt it.
After all, the book tour is over. By marketing standards, it was a smashing success. As a search for the truth, at least with regard to my story, it was not.
The questions I've posed here are both professional and deeply personal. I ask people to consider how they would react if someone they loved were accused of something horrific and basic journalistic standards were ignored because of a desire to sell books. I also urge people to remember that there are two sides to all stories.
How will Ronan Farrow respond to this criticism?
I doubt he'll take it lightly, and he shouldn't. He may try to change the subject by leveling new claims against me. He may question my credibility, but I have raised issues here that others could have easily raised as well. He may try to enlist allies in an effort to attack me and correct his journalistic lapses, months after the damage has been done. Perhaps his publisher will also rush to his defense.
Or maybe he'll surprise me. Maybe he'll simply stand up and say, I let a desire to sell books overwhelm my responsibility as a journalist. I should have done more to fact check these stories because errors like these come with a cost.
We'll see.
In the meantime, I will continue to ask questions and seek answers, because ironically, I can thank Ronan for at least one thing. He has reminded me how it feels to do the work I love.
The Inside Story of Matt Lauer's Investigation Into Ronan Farrow's Reporting On Him
Wed, 20 May 2020 14:03
Jemal Countess/Getty Images
Today, for the first time since he was suddenly fired as the host of the Today show back in late November of 2017, Matt Lauer has extensively detailed his version of the events that led to his dramatic fall from grace, and eventually to a book in which he was accused of rape. He did so in an in-depth piece on this website, the result of his own exhaustive investigation into Ronan Farrow's reporting about him for Catch and Kill, which came out last fall.
Lauer's account is both extraordinary and important on many levels. One of which is that it is probably the first time, in at least the history of the modern media, in which one celebrity journalist has done a deep investigation into the work of another who had been so instrumental in a very serious allegation against them (it should be noted that the vast majority of Lauer's essay directly attacks Farrow's reporting, and does not criticize his primary accuser, former NBC producer Brooke Nevils). Since I played a small but significant role in how Lauer's reporting came to be, it seems imperative that I provide some context for how and why this all happened.
To review, soon after Farrow's book came out, and after I had written a column which raised questions about the reliability of Farrow's account, Lauer called me. As strange as it may seem, this was not that much of a surprise because he and I had done three high-profile '-- and rather combative '-- interviews together on the Today show, and I had kept in touch with one of his now former producers.
After many hours of very frank discussion on the phone, we agreed that we would meet in his home '-- about 3,000 miles from where I live '-- for an extremely comprehensive and unusual ''off the record'' interview, the first he had done since his firing from NBC. I then wrote this piece making the case that Lauer had a very compelling story to tell, but that there may not be a fair place in the current media environment for him to share it. That was followed by another column confronting Farrow about why he has refused to answer any of my questions for him, or even have a private conversation with me about what I had learned about the other side of this story, and the seemingly flawed nature of his reporting on this case.
After all that created quite a stir, especially in the entertainment media, Lauer and I continued to speak via the phone on a regular basis. It was quite striking to see the man who, when we met, had not even opened Farrow's book (which, significantly, meant that I was getting, face-to-face, his real-time reaction to many of Farrow's allegations) and didn't even want me to place it on his kitchen table, transform into someone who was now literally picking it all apart, sentence by sentence.
The initial reading of Farrow's two chapters on Lauer was shocking to me because it was so apparent how little corroboration he had for any of his accusations against Lauer. It was also quite clear to me that Farrow himself may have played a significant and journalistically inappropriate role in how Nevils came to believe '-- in Farrow's own words to Lauer and a friend during their meeting before his book's publication''''in hindsight'' that Lauer had committed an act of violence against her during the 2014 Olympics.
But those educated suspicions were almost nothing compared to my conclusions after learning what Lauer found on his own by simply speaking directly, and at length, to many of the people referenced in Farrow's book as witnesses to these alleged events (including, remarkably, two of Nevils' ex-boyfriends) who, shockingly, Farrow and his fact-checker didn't even bother to contact. After it became obvious that there was a very legitimate story here about journalistic malfeasance on the part of someone to whom the news media has blindly given enormous power, Lauer asked me if there was a respected mainstream news reporter to whom he could give this information in the hopes that they might do their own investigation into Farrow's work.
After doing my own research, and having been through this exact situation in other similar stories before, I told him that, because of the way the modern news media now values safety and popularity over fairness and truth, combined with the incredible power of the #MeToo movement and Farrow's special untouchable status within the elite media club, this idea simply would not work. Instead, I suggested that the only way to viably get his version of this story out in the public domain was for him to use the assets of his celebrity and unique knowledge of the case to his advantage by writing it himself.
This process proved to be far more arduous and lengthy than could have been anticipated at that time. Here are just some of the reasons why Lauer's story is only coming out now, many months after Farrow's book, and only just after The New York Times finally published their own critical analysis of his reporting in it:
The nature of Lauer's investigation was inherently arduous, especially with most people involved in this story still being employed in the media business, and therefore being very hesitant to talk publicly.Lauer continued receiving credible, though somewhat conflicting and ambiguous, reports, including from a mainstream news reporter, that Nevils was about to publish a book of her own, possibly from the same publishing company which put out Farrow's book.After the publication of Farrow's book, once the pre-Christmas period passed, the very busy 2020 news calendar was never conducive to a sensible time to release Lauer's detailed rebuttal, and personal considerations delayed publication further, before the coronavirus then fundamentally changed the world.The piece, which is far too comprehensive for almost any print outlet, was offered to one other very prestigious publication before Mediaite, one which was very interested in releasing it, but appeared to link any public dissemination to an interview with Lauer, something he apparently does not want to do in direct conjunction with the piece he just released.The public and the news media should know that there is far more that Lauer found than what is in his already rather lengthy piece. However, much of that material was omitted out of respect for his sources. This is particularly true for Nevils' two former boyfriends, who have taken a huge risk by telling their version of events to someone who can do absolutely nothing for them, and who both have sound romantic-jealousy reasons to hold a grudge against Lauer.
One other element which I personally believe to be rather significant is that after Farrow's book came out, while on MSNBC, he and Rachel Maddow dramatically revealed that NBC was willing to let anyone who signed an NDA with them, who feels like it is keeping them from speaking publicly about sexual abuse, out of their agreement. It has now been six months since that happened, and yet there is still no indication that anyone has done so regarding allegations against Lauer.
Lauer is not the only primary target of Farrow's book with whom I have spoken. Another, one whose role in the book was indirectly tied to Lauer's, told me, in great detail, why they are sure many things Farrow wrote are not just inaccurate, but actually nonsensical, claiming that they are close to filing a lawsuit against the author and the book's publisher.
While the issue of whether Matt Lauer is really a sexual abuser of women is indeed newsworthy, it is not the focal point in this piece. Instead, my greater concern here is the dangerous new rules we are creating to interpret allegations of sexual abuse, as well as the credibility of the person to whom the news media has essentially ceded the ultimate power to enforce those rules, even when he has, as in the case of Matt Lauer and NBC, obvious conflicts of interest, and very significant holes in his reporting.
At this point, the news media should be asking some very serious questions of Ronan Farrow. Unfortunately, I seriously doubt whether that will happen, and I am even more skeptical that there is any real chance that he can provide remotely satisfactory answers.
This is an opinion piece. The views expressed in this article are those of just the author.
EuroLand
Germany to shield health firms from foreign takeovers
Wed, 20 May 2020 07:23
Berlin has announced new rules to protect the health sector from hostile takeovers by non-EU companies. The government said the coronavirus crisis had shown that local medical expertise and production are crucial.
The German government on Wednesday approved new powers allowing it to veto hostile foreign takeover bids for healthcare companies.
The measure, adopted during a cabinet meeting, aims to safeguard a continuous supply of vital medical products during the coronavirus pandemic.
"The current corona crisis shows how important medical know-how and production capacities in Germany and Europe can be in crisis situations," Economy Minister Peter Altmaier said. "At the same time, the amendment makes an important contribution to the long-term maintenance of a functioning health care system in Germany."
Under the regulation, the government can block investors from outside the European Union from buying up German firms that are manufacturing vaccines, protective equipment, ventilators, medicines or other supplies.
Healthcare companies will have to notify Berlin as soon as a foreign buyer owns a stake of more than 10%. The government can then assess any security concerns raised by the bid and decide whether to intervene. The threshold until now for reporting has been 25%.
Read more: Will COVID-19 exacerbate drugs shortage in Germany?
Supply fears
Trade associations have criticised such measures, saying they could close off the market and generally make foreign investment less attractive.
"During a crisis it is more important than ever to stand for open markets," the Federation of German Industry's board member Stefan Mair said in a statement.
Soon after the coronavirus began to spread, a global run on certain medical products and protective gear raised concerns about potential supply problems. Chancellor Angela Merkel declared that one lesson learnt from the situation was the Europe must develop "self-sufficiency."
Media reports earlier this year that US President Donald Trump had tried to buy access to CureVac, a German pharmaceutical startup developing a COVID-19 vaccine, sparked an outcry.
CureVac has denied receiving any US offers. However, the boss of Germany's BioNTech, which is also developing a vaccine, said last month that the company had received unspecified approaches.
nm/aw (Reuters, AFP, dpa)
Every evening at 1830 UTC, DW's editors send out a selection of the day's hard news and quality feature journalism. You can sign up to receive it directly here.
Farm to fork: EU wants to slash pesticide use by 50% and boost organic farming | Euronews
Thu, 21 May 2020 04:33
The EU is looking to slash pesticide use and boost organic farming with its aptly titled "farm to fork" strategy.
The announcement comes with a slight delay, due to coronavirus, but the European Commission says the current crisis makes the policy all the more pressing.
"We believe that in this period in the world struggling with a pandemic we should also be thinking about how to increase our resilience, how to be able to translate the wish of people to look after their health, into concrete projects and plans," Frans Timmermans, Executive Vice-President of the European Commission, told reporters.
"So, in that context, the biodiversity and the farm to fork strategies are a central element of the EU recovery plan."
The targets set in the "farm to fork" strategy include:
- 50% cut of pesticides by 2030
- 20% cut in fertilisers
- 50% reduction in sales of antimicrobials used for farmed animals and aquaculture
- 25% increase in organic farming
The European Commission says this will contribute to an environmentally sustainable economy as envisaged in the European Green Deal.
In order to make the strategy become reality, the Commission suggests: "In addition to Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) measures, such as eco-schemes, investments and advisory services, and the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) measures, the Commission will put forward an Action Plan on organic farming."
It's an issue organic farmers have dealing with for years, and the old Common Agriculture Policy (CAP) was based on subsidies, that didn't necessarily benefit smaller, organic farms.
Tom Troonbeeckx created a community farm in Belgium more than a decade ago.
It has grown to serve 700 people who pay '¬330 per year to be able to harvest vegetables and collect meat and cereals from the cooperative near Leuven. Tom would prefer to have another way to make organic farming sustainable, other than receiving subsidies.
"I think we should reflect the true cost of producing the food in the price of the food and then organic will be much cheaper in comparison to other production than it is now and more people will opt for organic food," he said.
Although he admits that some subsidies are useful.
"We are in a very bad situation in terms of agriculture in general and maybe to focus on innovation and bringing in newcomers because we will need more people that want to be farmers," he added.
Traditional farming industry players reckon the new requirements from the EU could add extra pressure, at a time when they're worried about the expected additional cuts to EU farming funds for 2021-2027.
The incoming recession has some worried about the rising costs to consumers, amid a stark economic downturn following the coronavirus pandemic.
"It is really important, especially for the European Parliament and also for the member states in the Council, to reflect what are expectations among consumers and citizens to pay more for the food in return for these additional requirements," explains Pekka Pesonen, Secretary-General, COPA-COGECA (EU association of farmers and agri-cooperatives).
Pesonen also points to the fact that the economic impact of COVID-19 could see a significant decline in EU citizens' purchasing power.
The announcement shows that the European Commission appears keen to keep its Green Deal credentials alive, amid economic pressures brought about by coronavirus.
Lufthansa '¬9 billion bailout decision expected 'shortly', says Merkel | Euronews
Thu, 21 May 2020 05:55
Germany
Planes of the German airline Lufthansa parked at the "Franz-Josef-Strauss" airport in Munich, Germany. April 1, 2020 -
Copyright
Christof STACHE / AFPTalks over a '¬9 billion plan to save national German carrier Lufthansa could soon reach a conclusion, chancellor Angela Merkel said on Thursday.
"The German government is in intensive talks with the company and the EU Commission. A decision is expected shortly, but I cannot give any details about ongoing talks", Merkel said.
Lufthansa confirmed that an intervention by the Geman government is now close.
"The project provides for stabilisation measures up to '¬9 billion euros, including '¬3 billion in the form of a loan", which would come from public investment bank KfW, according to Lufthansa.
If the plan is finalised, the German government would take up a significant stake of the airline - the second in Europe for number of passengers carried.
The federal government's economic stability fund (WSF), which was created to cushion the impact of the coronavirus pandemic, would acquire 20% of the capital, as well as bonds convertible into shares worth "an additional 5% plus one share", Lufthansa detailed.
The bond convertibility could be exercised by the government to stop "a takeover bid by a third party".
If the project goes ahead, it would close weeks of controversy between the conservatives (CDU) of Angela Merkel and her social democratic (SPD) coalition partners,
Germany's DPA news agency reported Wednesday that Lufthansa shares rose in after-hours trading on the back of rumours that a deal had been reached.
An agreement could be formalised as early as Thursday.
The company, which employs nearly 140,000 people worldwide, is going through a serious crisis, with around 700 of its 760 aircraft grounded, and over 60% of its employees doing part-time work.
In April, it carried less than 3,000 passengers a day, compared to 350,000 before the pandemic.
However, the company is also getting ready for non-essential air traffic to resume, as it announced on May 20 a new "highly-flexible" booking process.
Out There
Space Force launches robotic X-37B space plane on new mystery mission | Space
Mon, 18 May 2020 07:28
HomeNewsSpaceflightCAPE CANAVERAL, Fla. '-- The U.S. Space Force's mysterious X-37B space plane successfully launched on its sixth mystery mission from Florida today (May 17).
Riding atop a United Launch Alliance Atlas V rocket, the clandestine craft blasted off from Space Launch Complex 41 at Cape Canaveral Air Force Station here at 9:14 a.m. EDT (1314 GMT).
The on-time liftoff occurred just 24-hours after poor weather conditions at the Florida launch site forced ULA to scrub its original launch attempt, Saturday morning.
While the X-37B's exact purpose is a secret, Space Force officials have revealed that the craft is packing numerous experiments on this trip to test out different systems in space. Some of those experiments include a small satellite called FalconSat-8, two NASA payloads designed to study the effects of radiation on different materials as well as seeds to grow food, and a power-beaming experiment using microwave energy.
Related: The X-37B space plane: 6 surprising facts
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(Image credit: United Launch Alliance)The U.S.Space Force and Air Force Rapid Response Capabilities Office have two of the miniature shuttle-like X-37B space planes (also known as Orbital Test Vehicles, or OTVs) that it uses for classified military missions in low-Earth orbit. They have flown five missions since 2010, four of them on ULA Atlas V rockets and the fifth on a SpaceX Falcon 9.
X-37B returns to spaceToday's launch occurred just six months after the most recent mission, OTV-5, landed at NASA's Kennedy Space Center in Florida on Oct. 2, 2019, completing a record-setting 780 days (just over two years) sojourn in space.
Boeing built the X-37B space planes for the U.S. Air Force. The two vehicles have spent more than seven years in orbit across their missions. (Command of the mission and other space related activities transferred to the Space Force after its creation in 2019.)
Space Force officials have said that the experiments and technology the X-37B carries "enables the U.S. to more efficiently and effectively develop space capabilities necessary to maintain superiority in the space domain."
Related: How the secretive X-37B space plane works (infographic)
The X-37B space plane ahead is seen tucked inside the payload fairing of its Atlas V rocket ahead of a May 17, 2020 launch. (Image credit: U.S. Air Force)To that end, this mission will have even more experiments than previous flights. That's thanks to the addition of a new service module '-- a cylindrical extension attached to the bottom of the craft '-- a first for this mission. The addition of a service module will help to increase the vehicle's capabilities, enabling it to conduct more experiments and test new technologies throughout the mission, Space Force officials have said.
ULA launched the X-37B on an Atlas V rocket in the 501 configuration, which means the vehicle has a 17-foot (5 meters) wide payload fairing, a single engine Centaur upper stage, and no solid rocket boosters.
It marked the 84th flight of the Atlas V, which was recently dethroned as the most flown American launcher. That superlative was snagged by SpaceX's Falcon 9 rocket, which became the world's most flown booster in April and is also set to launch its next flight (a Starlink satellite fleet launch) early Tuesday, May 19.
Honoring coronavirus responders
The U.S. Space Force and United Launch Alliance dedicated the X-37B space plane's OTV_6 launch to the first-responders and victims of the COVID-19 pandemic. (Image credit: United Launch Alliance)Saturday's launch, dubbed USSF-7, is dedicated to the first responders and medical personnel across the country who work daily to combat the ongoing coronavirus pandemic.
The mission is part of the military's "America Strong" campaign, which also includes a series of flyovers by the Air Force Thunderbirds and Navy Blue Angels. ULA also stamped a tribute on the side of the Atlas V rocket that says: "In memory of COVID-19 victims and tribute to all first responders and front-line workers."
COVID-19, the disease caused by the new coronavirus, has infected approximately 4.5 million people globally, with 1.45 million of them in the United States. At least 87,991 have died from the disease in the U.S. as of May 16, according to Livescience.
"Thank you for your courage in caring for the sick and keeping us safe," ULA CEO Tory Bruno tweeted, addressing the many first responders working selflessly to support the nation in this difficult time.
"There are still heroes in this world," he added.
Officials at the 45th Space Wing said they have been doing their part to make sure the launch went smoothly while simultaneously protecting its workforce.
"We have an obligation to keep space capabilities up and running for our nation," Gen. John Raymond, chief of space operations in the U.S. Space Force and commander of the U.S. Space Command said during a prelaunch talk on May 6.
To that end, the 45th Space Wing has been rotating crews between launches, reduced on-site staff as much as possible and practiced social distancing. Both NASA's Kennedy Space Center and the nearby Cape Canaveral Air Force Station have kept public viewing areas closed for this launch as well as a SpaceX launch scheduled for Sunday morning.
This mission marks the second national security launch under the Space Force since its establishment in December. (The first was the AEHF-6 military communications satellite launch in March.)
The X-37B space plane is about 29 feet (8.8 meters) long and resembles a miniature space shuttle. For OTV_6, the robotic spacecraft carried a new service module that supports more experiments and longer stays in space. (Image credit: U.S. Air Force)Space Force officials have chosen to delay some of the planned missions, however, due to concerns about the pandemic. For instance, the next GPS navigation satellite mission GPS 3 SV03 has been delayed several months to no earlier than June 30 to ensure that ground control crews were able to stay safe.
It's a busy time on the space coast, and the GPS constellation is healthy which reduces the pressure to get newer, upgraded satellites into orbit, officials said.
Today's mission was originally part of a launch double header from Florida's Space Coast.
Following the Atlas V launch, a SpaceX Falcon 9 rocket was supposed to take to the skies less than 24 hours later, carrying another batch of SpaceX's Starlink satellites into orbit.
That launch was originally on the books for today, but weather delays at the launch site and the emergence of a tropical depression out in the Atlantic prompted SpaceX to move the launch date.
When the Falcon 9 does launch, it will bring the total number of Starlink internet satellites up to nearly 500. SpaceX CEO Elon Musk has said that between 400-800 satellites are needed to begin rolling out the first, albeit limited, iteration of its global internet service.
If all goes as planned, the Falcon 9 will lift off from Space Launch Complex 40 at 3:10 a.m. EDT (0710 GMT) on Tuesday.
Photos: X-37B Space Plane - The Orbital Test VehicleIn photos: SpaceX launches X-37B space plane, lands Falcon 9 rocketGallery: Declassified US spy satellite photos & designsFollow Amy Thompson on Twitter @astrogingersnap. Follow us on Twitter @Spacedotcom or Facebook.
Join our Space Forums to keep talking space on the latest missions, night sky and more! And if you have a news tip, correction or comment, let us know at: community@space.com.
The X-37B Space Plane's Microwave Beam Experiment Is A Way Bigger Deal Than It Seems - The Drive
Wed, 20 May 2020 09:50
When the X-37B launches on May 16, it will carry a technology that could eventually allow drones to stay aloft indefinitely anywhere on the globe.Space ForceThe shadowy X-37B, the Air Force's unmanned, reusable spacecraft, is set to launch for its sixth flight on May 16 from Cape Canaveral Air Force Station, Florida. While most of the payloads set for the flight are standard fare for space experiments, at least the ones that are disclosed, one of them has immense potential implications for the future of remote power generation and especially long-endurance unmanned aircraft propulsion.
The X-37B's upcoming mission is known as both Orbital Test Vehicle-6 (OTV-6) and U.S. Space Force-7 (USSF-7). It will carry out missions that will assess the effects of cosmic radiation and other ''space effects'' on plant seeds and various material samples. According to a Space Force press release, which went out on May 6, another payload aboard the X-37B will be an experimental system designed by the Naval Research Laboratory that is capable of capturing solar power and beaming that energy back to Earth in the form of microwaves.
While the press releases of the Department of Defense and the Space Force are scant on details, the Naval Research Laboratory's head of beamed power has explicitly stated in the past that this system has enormous implications when it comes to long-endurance unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). In addition, it could allow satellites to provide reliable power anywhere on the planet or even to spacecraft or other satellites in orbit.
USAF
The X-37B
The U.S. Naval Research Laboratory (NRL) has been promoting similar-sounding technologies over the last year. In October 2019, the NRL conducted a three-day long demonstration of the Navy's latest power-beaming capabilities at the Naval Surface Warfare Center in Bethesda, Maryland. In the demonstration, the NRL transmitted a completely silent, invisible beam of 2-kilowatt laser power over 300 meters through the air over attendees' heads. The demonstration was meant to showcase the safety and technological readiness of this utterly transformative concept.
As far as the aforementioned applications of this capability, research or military outposts in remote locations would no longer have to rely on low-power solar systems or haul heavy generators and large amounts of fuel, but instead could bring a rectifying antenna, or rectenna, to capture energy in the form of microwaves beamed from satellites overhead. In addition, areas ravaged by natural disasters could use the system to generate electricity to aid in reconstruction efforts long before traditional electrical infrastructure is rebuilt. It could even power autonomous ships at sea.
Dr. Paul Jaffe, an electronics engineer with the U.S. Naval Research Laboratory who is leading the NRL's research into power beaming, says that the technology will open up entirely new frontiers in terms of long-endurance unmanned aircraft. ''If you have an electric drone that can fly more than an hour, you're doing pretty well,'' Jaffe said. ''If we had a way to keep those drones and UAVs flying indefinitely, that would have really far-reaching implications. With power beaming, we have a path toward being able to do that.'' The Navy was granted a patent for a similar system in 2016 invented by Jaffe.
Beamed Power AircraftUsing lasers to beam power to small UAVs has been a subject of research for some time. The U.S. Air Force began testing lasers as a source of propulsion for small ''lightcraft'' as early as the 1980s and managed to get small cone-shaped craft to fly hundreds of feet in the air propelled only by laser beams. This new concept is different, though, in that the beamed power UAVs the Navy envisions will feature traditional propulsion systems (such as rotors or propellers) and instead have rectennas that capture the energy from directed energy beams to constantly replenish their electrical power reserves.
NASA
The laser lightcraft of the 1980s and 1990s featured a parabolic mirror afterbody surrounded by a shroud. Intense pulses of laser light beamed into the afterbody are used to heat and pressurize air enough to create lift.
In 2011, NASA's Glenn Research Center published research on laser power-beaming systems with funding from the Air Force Research Laboratory's Revolutionary Munitions Directorate at Eglin Air Force Base in order to examine ''long-range optical 'refueling' of electric platforms such as micro unmanned aerial vehicles (MUAV)''. Also in 2011, a RAND Corporation study conducted on behalf of the Air Force found that while the concept of laser-beamed power is sound, atmospheric interference from clouds could pose limitations on flight paths and ceilings.
DARPA held a power beaming roundtable in 2015 which featured representatives from top defense contractors, research universities, and various DoD-operated laboratories. In 2018, DARPA demonstrated its latest laser-powered aircraft, the Silent Falcon, which the project lead Joseph A. Abate says was meant to ''demonstrate that remote electric refueling of DoD systems via high energy laser power beaming to extend mission operation time in contested and remote environments.''
While lasers have been examined for their use in beaming power to UAVs, these have typically involved ground-based or possibly airborne lasers to beam power. Placing the source of power generation and transmission in space is a new take on this concept, offering superior lines of sight and a continuous, renewable source of energy via the sun.
Still, low earth orbit satellites circle the planet at incredibly high speeds and their maneuverability is limited, so there will be limitations to the Navy's latest beamed power system, but as a proof of concept, it is essential. A constellation of satellites would likely be necessary to have a truly 24/7 supply of power, enabling UAVs to be 'passed' from satellite to satellite for continuous or tightly scheduled recharging. The same can be said for any receiver applications on the planet's surface.
Beamed Power And The Future of UAVsIn 2014, the superintendent of the Naval Research Laboratory's Plasma Physics Division Thomas Mehlhorn published a paper in IEEE Transactions on Plasma Sciences which offered an overview of plasma physics and pulsed power as they relate to national security. The article spans a wide variety of topics including nuclear weapons, inertial confinement fusion, and high-energy laser weapons. In the paper, Mehlhorn also touches upon the Navy's beamed power UAV research at the time, writing that the continuous flight times offered by beamed power systems could change surveillance, reconnaissance, and communications gateway/relay missions forever:
"Building upon the concept of scalability, rather than using a laser beam to kill a UAV, they began to pursue the idea of beaming power to a UAV to allow continuous flight, with potential application to both surveillance [Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR)] and countermeasure missions. The team has pursued this idea using NRL applied research funds with the vision that long-range laser power beaming to UAVs could allow for long-duration flights with reduced manpower requirements for many Navy and DoD missions, including off-board decoys, persistent surveillance, and communication relays."
According to an October 2019 Navy.mil press release, the Navy's beamed power system has also been endorsed by the Marines, Army, and Air Force and is expected to throughout the Department of Defense in the near future. The extent to which such systems have already been tested or deployed is unclear, although the Department of Energy has explored the concept of beaming microwaves from space since at least 2014. Doing the same from the ground, within line of sight of the aircraft, which can still be dozens or even hundreds of miles away depending on the altitudes involved, is such an easier task that it would be a bit puzzling if the technology isn't already under development, or even possibly in some sort of clandestine operational state.
DOD
The NRL program is being funded through the Operational Energy Capability Improvement Fund (OECIF), which "incentivizes S&T to promote long term change in DoD capabilities" and "fosters innovation to improve operational energy performance."
Doing so from another aircraft is also clearly an objective based on the existing literature and would help mitigate the line of sight limitations with ground-based power beaming stations, but would sacrifice endurance and simplicity. In the 2011 RAND study cited above, the authors write that possibilities for beamed power applications include "ultra-high-altitude observation stations or communication relays and flocks of high-altitude sensor probes powered remotely from a large aircraft 'mother ship.'"
Meanwhile, the China Academy of Space Technology claimed to already be testing such a system in 2019 and said that a fully-functional Chinese microwave beaming power station in space could be deployed by 2050.
As you can probably tell at this point, this technology has massive implications not only for the future of UAVs, but for all of mankind. Such a system could be used to keep UAVs in the air for very long periods of time to replace cell towers or communications satellites in the event of a crisis in a region or even for normal operations of increasingly complex communications networks. Unlike a tethered aerostat, these UAVs would require far less infrastructure, could be moved around at will for optimum coverage, and could land quickly for servicing. They could even deploy dozens of miles, or even further, away from their base stations. With a space-based power source, they could fly anywhere on earth. Obviously, the implications for overhead surveillance are equally impactful.
So, while the X-37B's latest mission details seem neat on a scientific level, the reality is the microwave system it is testing could change the game for many military-related applications and could actually open the door for near-continuous unmanned flight throughout the atmosphere.
Contact the editor: Tyler@thedrive.com
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X-37B's Power Beaming Payload A Reminder Of Potential Orbital Microwave Anti-Satellite Weapons - The Drive
Wed, 20 May 2020 09:50
Technology related to sending power via a microwave beam down to Earth could potentially be applied to taking out hostile targets in space.USAF/USN/DIAThe U.S. Navy has announced the first test of its on-orbit power-beaming system on the U.S. Air Force's X-37B mini-space shuttle, just a day after the successful launch of that vehicle on its latest mission to space. These experiments could have game-changing implications for power generation on Earth, especially for facilities in remote areas and for unmanned aircraft, but they also underscore the potential applications of high-powered microwaves and other directed energy beams as weapons in space to jam, blind, or even destroy critical sensors and other components on opponents' satellites.
The U.S. Naval Research Laboratory's (NRL) Photovoltaic Radio-frequency Antenna Module (PRAM) is one of a number of publicly disclosed payloads onboard the X-37B, which blasted off from Cape Canaveral Air Force Station in Florida on top of a United Launch Alliance Atlas V rocket on May 17, 2020. This is the reusable space plane's sixth trip into orbit since 2010 and it had just completed its fifth mission, which lasted a record-setting 780 days, in October 2019. Much about the craft and its missions remain highly classified.
PRAM is a self-contained module that is a foot long, a foot wide, and around two inches tall. The system uses a solar panel on top to collect sunlight and then converts that into a microwave beam. In principle, a receiver on Earth could then take the beam and convert it back into energy that could be used to power traditional electric devices. You can read more about the history of this concept and the science behind it in this past War Zone piece.
USN
The Naval Research Laboratory's Photovoltaic Radio-frequency Antenna Module that is now on that X-37B in orbit.
"PRAM converts sunlight for microwave power transmission. We could've also converted for optical power transmission," Chris Depuma, the PRAM program manager at NRL, said in a statement. "Converting to optical might make more sense for lunar applications because there's no atmosphere on the Moon. The disadvantage of optical is you could lose a lot of energy through clouds and atmosphere."
The Navy team plans to test how efficiently PRAM converts energy and its associated thermal performance in space, rather than in a terrestrial laboratory setting. NRL hopes these experiments will inform the development of future prototypes and could lead to a full system installed on a dedicated spacecraft.
In principle, a constellation of solar-energy-collecting power-beaming satellites could provide near-limitless, clean power anywhere on Earth. This could completely transform how power is supplied for both military and civilian activities in the most remote areas. It could potentially power propulsion systems on long-endurance drones, allowing them to stay aloft indefinitely, something The War Zonehas previously explored in detail.
"To our knowledge, this experiment is the first test in orbit of hardware designed specifically for solar power satellites," Paul Jaffe, PRAM principal investigator at NRL, said in his own statement. This "could play a revolutionary role in our energy future."
However, if a power-beaming system can take solar energy, convert it into a microwave beam, and direct that beam at a specific location, one has to wonder if that concept could not also be adapted into a space-based weapon. The idea of using high-powered microwaves to disrupt, or even destroy, electronic systems in space, as well as on Earth, is hardly new.
The U.S. military alone has already explored various types of high-powered microwave weapons that can scramble or damage electronic systems and is evaluating new designs, right now. These include systems that can disrupt enemy computer networks, knock down small drones, and fry the electronics in incoming missiles to throw them off course, among others. A sufficiently powerful burst of microwave energy could cause enough damage to cause a mission kill on satellites.
A 2019 report from the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) specifically highlighted ground and space-based high-powered microwaves, as well as other directed energy weapons, including lasers, as potential future threats to American assets in orbit. It also listed a slew of other possible dangers, including jamming and "killer satellites" capable of launching various types of kinetic and non-kinetic attacks.
DIA
A graphic from a 2019 Defense Intelligence Agency report on present and future challenges in space showing the means by which one satellite might attack another.
The Russians and the Chinese both already have various anti-satellite capabilities, including air-launched and ground-based kinetic interceptors, and are continuing to develop new capabilities given the traditional advantage that the United States has in space-based capabilities, including intelligence gathering, early warning, communications and data sharing, navigation, and more. The U.S. military itself has a number of other highly-classified counter-space capabilities and other countries, such as India, are also developing their own means to challenge opponents assets' in orbit.
There is also renewed discussion about space-based weapons, mostly as a means to counter anti-satellite threats or for missile defense, in recent years. "Directed energy weapons (high energy lasers or particle beam) or space-based interceptors provide the best overall hope of a hard kill" to destroy future hypersonic weapons, according to a report the NATO Science & Technology Organization released in March. In 2019, France also notably announced plans to eventually deploy small laser-armed satellites to protect other space-based assets.
NATO
A portion of the section on hypersonic defense from the March 2020 NATO Science & Technology Organization report.
As NRL's researchers noted with regards to PRAM, the vacuum of space removes many of the obstacles that deflect and diffuse directed energy beams on Earth. This means it could require less starting power to generate a beam with sufficient energy to disrupt or damage another target in space, even if it were shielded from common solar radiation. Many military-grade weapons and other systems are also hardened against electromagnetic radiation, but are still vulnerable to a suitably powerful microwave attack.
Highly maneuverable satellites or other spacecraft '' the X-37B would be an ideal platform itself '' could also maneuver the system very close to its target. This could, in turn, reduce the power and range requirements for high-powered microwave or other directed energy weapons. A high-powered microwave also has the benefit of not needing to physically break up the target to destroy it, meaning that an attack would not cause a cloud of dangerous space debris that could threaten friendly assets in space.
Of course, there is no indication that NRL has plans to transform PRAM, specifically, into a weapon. At the same time, the technology, or at least related technology, seems to have clear applications as a weapon. In addition, the U.S. military has been researching new space-based weapons in recent years, including plans for a particle beam system, which it announced it had shelved in September 2019. This is in addition to the anti-satellite capabilities that the Air Force is already known to have, which the U.S. Space Force has now begun to inherit, the full scope of which remains largely unknown.
All told, the PRAM experiments onboard the X-37B are exciting steps forward toward potentially revolutionary systems for providing power down here on Earth. Work along similar lines could have important implications for possible future American space-based weapons as competition in orbit and beyond continues to heat up.
Contact the author: joe@thedrive.com
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VIDEO-Austin gentleman's club prepares to reopen Friday following safety guidelines | kvue.com
Thu, 21 May 2020 06:47
Dancers and entertainers will have to wear masks, along with the rest of the staff at the Palazio Gentleman's Club.
AUSTIN, Texas '-- According to data from IBIS World, 57,130 people are employed by adult entertainment venues across the country, including gentleman's clubs. The data also shows that there are 3,862 businesses of that type in the U.S., with a market size of $8 billion.
But like everywhere else, the coronavirus pandemic shut down those venues, leaving people out of work.
But since bars in Texas can start reopening Friday if they follow safety guidelines, that means so can some gentleman's clubs '' including the Palazio Gentleman's Club in South Austin, which has a bar and also serves food.
They will reopen Friday at 11 a.m.
"[We're doing] everything we possibly can to make sure people have a good time but [it] is safe," said Kelly Jones, a manager at the Palazio Gentleman's Club.
Jones said that the club's employees, dancers and entertainers have suffered like many others during this pandemic.
"Like anybody else, people are really hit hard, the economy's hit hard. A lot of people I know that are entertainers are actually independent contractors much like hairdressers, so they had a lot of issues collecting unemployment from the very beginning since they weren't officially employed," Jones said. "They work on cash tips like a lot of other people in the service industry, so they're struggling as well. Lot of them have families and kids '' they're trying to make sure they have arrangements for child care, putting food on the table."
But starting Friday, Jones said the club will be reopening and putting people back to work while following the standard health protocols released by the governor's office.
The building, which has a max capacity of 292 people, will see no more than around 70 to 75 people inside. Jones said they'll be using clickers to count how many people go in, they will regulate how many people are inside and they will be using a no-contact method for taking customers' and employees' temperatures before entering the building.
"We're going to have to cut that down to comply with the governor's order of 25% capacity," Jones said.
Social distancing will also be practiced between entertainers and customers. That includes during private dances.
"We're gonna have to have barriers around our stages so our customers have social distancing from the entertainers," Jones said. "As far as private dancing goes, they're going to have to maintain that 6-foot division between them."
Entertainers will also be required to wear masks, as will all other employees in the building. Several employees will specifically be designated to constantly clean previously used areas like tables and couches.
''They will have to wear masks, yes, so we've encouraged them to be creative '' find something they like that maybe goes with their outfits and kind of follows in with what we're going for here,'' Jones said.
It will be up to the customer if they want to wear a mask, and Jones said cash is still accepted at the club.
The club also has a bar and serves food, which Jones said will also operate differently.
"We're going to have to go to plasticware instead of nice metal knives or forks, paper napkins, plastic cups," Jones said. "The bartenders and staff are going to make sure that we follow hand-washing policies."
For a list of the safety guidelines for all Texas businesses reopening, click here.
WATCH: Gov. Abbott discusses phase two of reopening Texas
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VIDEO-Trump Says Chinese Spokesperson 'Speaks Stupidly,' Accuses Beijing of Spreading 'Pain and Carnage'
Thu, 21 May 2020 06:41
President Donald Trump has singled out a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson in his latest attack on Beijing over the coronavirus pandemic, branding government statements "a disgrace" and blaming the Chinese Communist Party for "pain and carnage" caused by the COVID-19 outbreak.
The president did not specify which spokesperson he was attacking, but on Wednesday spokesperson Zhao Lijian criticized Trump for his ultimatum to the World Health Organization (WHO), in which the president accused the United Nations body of capitulating to Chinese pressure and demanded that Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus pursue "major" reforms within 30 days or lose U.S. funding.
"We think the US should focus on beating #COVID19 rather than give an ultimatum to the organization that leads global epidemic response," Zhao wrote on Twitter. "Politicizing the origin of the virus has no audience," he added, referring to international demands for an investigation into the origins and course of the pandemic.
Trump tweeted late on Wednesday that the "spokesman speaks stupidly on behalf of China, trying desperately to deflect the pain and carnage that their country spread throughout the world. Its disinformation and propaganda attack on the United States and Europe is a disgrace."
The president added: "It all comes from the top. They could have easily stopped the plague, but they didn't!"
China's Foreign Ministry spokespeople have been at the forefront of Beijing's response to the coronavirus pandemic and'--more recently'--defending against U.S. attacks. The spokespeople have also aired conspiracy theories about the pandemic and been pivotal in trying to absolve Beijing of blame.
On Wednesday, Zhao also retweeted comments from fellow Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying criticizing the U.S. response to the pandemic. "US non-stop disinformation may confuse and mislead some for a while. But in the end facts speak for themselves," Hua wrote.
In another tweet, Hua said: "'Follow me and you live, defy me and you die.' Is this the American style of science and democracy? But history has proven that only by following the trend of the times can one develop and prosper."
Trump initially praised China's response to the COVID-19 outbreak in the central Chinese city of Wuhan, and expressed confidence'--without evidence'--that the virus would soon disappear. Trump also singled out President Xi Jinping for praise.
But the president and key administration officials have since pivoted to blaming Beijing for the pandemic. Chinese officials are accused of concealing vital information about the outbreak while pressuring the WHO to downplay the severity of the crisis.
China is also accused of driving a disinformation campaign to dodge blame while maligning the response of foreign nations, and underreporting its number of infections and deaths.
Chinese officials'--including Xi'--are resisting calls for an international probe into the origins of the virus. The dominant theory is that the disease emerged at a wildlife market in Wuhan, jumping from bats to humans via an intermediary animal like a pangolin.
But Trump and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo have alleged that the virus actually escaped from the Wuhan Institute of Virology, mainland China's first biosafety level 4 laboratory. Neither has provided evidence to support the assertion, which Beijing has angrily rejected.
President Donald Trump listens during a meeting with Arkansas Governor Asa Hutchinson and Kansas Governor Laura Kelly, on May 20, 2020, in the Cabinet Room of the White House in Washington, D.C. BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP via Getty Images/Getty
VIDEO - Furious Fox host LOSES IT on Trump after he announces he's taking hydroxychloroquine - YouTube
VIDEO - SF resident feels like prisoner in own home as homeless tents triple [Video]
Thu, 21 May 2020 05:23
Officials tell us they counted 400 tents before the coronavirus pandemic. Now it's past 1,100, and that's affecting those who live in nearby apartments.
VIDEO - (2) Nigel Farage on Twitter: "You won't hear about this scandal in Parliament, so retweet the video and spread the truth. The British people deserve answers. https://t.co/hT8ctbZag5" / Twitter
Thu, 21 May 2020 04:54
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VIDEO-Carbon emissions have dropped under lockdown. Will it make a difference? | Euronews
Thu, 21 May 2020 04:30
Greenhouse gas emissions have dramatically dropped due to coronavirus lockdowns, but the brief pollution break will likely be insignificant when it comes to undoing global warming, scientists say.
In their study of carbon dioxide CO2 emissions during the pandemic, an international team calculated that levels are heading back up as governments ease restrictions '' and will end up between 4 per cent and 7 per cent lower than 2019 levels.
That would still be the biggest annual drop in CO2 emissions since World War II.
The new data, published in the journal Nature, gives a clearer picture of what weeks of grounded flights, closed offices, and reduced economic activity has done to the atmosphere.
It found that daily CO2 emissions dropped by 17 per cent in April, at the peak of the pandemic shutdown, compared to their average levels in 2019.
But if the world returns to its slowly increasing pollution levels next year, the temporary reduction amounts to ''a drop in the ocean'', said study lead author Corinne LeQuere, a climate scientist at the University of East Anglia.
''It's like you have a bath filled with water and you're turning off the tap for 10 seconds,'' she said.
Climate change is ''a cumulative problem,'' explains Glen Peters, research director at the Center for International Climate Research in Norway.
''The temperature increase of about 1 degree above pre-industrial levels that we see now is because of emissions over the last 100 or 200 years,'' he told Euronews Tonight.
He pointed out that most of the emissions drop that came with lockdowns happened in transportation, while reductions in industry or electricity generation were ''much more modest".
''In one sense, it's sort of disappointing that emissions only went down 17 per cent,'' he said, adding that the experiment had shown the limits of changes in individual behaviour '' such as halting one's travel.
''Hopefully we can design better policies that will hopefully get emissions down without affecting people's social lives so much,'' he said.
Spain tries to go greenWorld leaders agreed in 2015 in Paris to keep global warming below 2 degrees Celsius, ideally no more than 1.5 C by the end of the century. But scientists say countries will miss both of those goals by a wide margin unless drastic steps are taken to start cutting greenhouse gas emissions this year.
As governments across Europe try to map out a road to economic recovery after weeks of crippling shutdowns, some are already choosing to make the next steps green.
France and Germany are pushing for carbon pricing and a so-called green recovery roadmap for the EU. Both France and Austria have attached environmental strings to their airline bailouts.
Spain is now also getting on board with a new draft climate law. If approved by parliament, the bill would prohibit new coal, oil and gas projects, and enshrine in law the goal of making Spain carbon-neutral by 2050.
Juantxo L"pez de Uralde, Unidas Podemos lawmaker and president of the Environment and Energy Committee of the Spanish Parliament, said the law could create up to 300,000 jobs by 2030.
''For a country like Spain, where we have a lot of sun, a lot of wind, but we don't have any fossil fuels, ('...) we believe this is the good way forward socially, economically and obviously environmentally,'' he told Euronews.
Moving away from coalAlready, some industry watchers say the COVID-19 pandemic could spell the end of coal, which has powered human activity for over two centuries.
That's because with so much activity on hold, demand for energy has sunk, while the cost of alternative sources like renewables and gas have fallen, making it cheaper to go green.
The UK has run for more than a month with no coal energy in the grid; Portugal nearly two months.
Onshore and offshore wind, and solar are ''the big winners'' of this shift towards renewables, says Kathrin Gutmann, the campaign director of the environmental group Europe Beyond Coal.
She hopes governments will view the crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic as an opportunity to reskill workers and set in motion a sustainable move away from fossil fuels.
''What is important now is to make sure that as part of the recovery, governments put a priority on clean energy, on renewables, to make sure that we do not see a rebound in CO2 emissions because we're recovering in the wrong way,'' she told Euronews.
''There's a real opportunity to actually build a better future for ourselves and address climate change as we're doing that.''
You can watch excerpts of the interview with Kathrin Gutmann in the video player above.
VIDEO-Malaysia Airlines Flight 17: Former Russian spy takes 'moral responsibility' for downing of plane | Euronews
Thu, 21 May 2020 04:28
Russia
By Euronews • last updated: 20/05/2020 - 20:33
A former colonel in Russia's FSB security service says he takes "moral responsibility" for the 2014 downing of Malaysia Airlines flight 17, but insists that his men did not down the passenger jet.
Igor Girkin was leading Russia-backed separatist forces in eastern Ukraine when the passenger plane was shot down and crashed in the region on July 17, 2014, killing all 298 people on board.
Girkin and three others have been charged in absentia by the International Court of Justice in The Hague.
Girkin says as military commander in the region he has "indirect" responsibility for the attack '' but he insists his forces did not fire the missile that brought the plane down.
The Kremlin has also denied any involvement.
Galina Polonskaya, Euronews' correspondent in Moscow, spoke to Girkin on Wednesday, following a report in the Times newspaper.
''Igor Gorkin has just told me over the phone that he feels moral responsibility for downing the MH17 plane,'' she reports.
''But he stressed that he feels this responsibility only as one of the participants of military actions in the east of Ukraine in summer 2014, one among all the others.''
In July 2014 Girkin, back then known as the ''Minister of Defence'' of Donetsk separatists, was one of the first to report a plane had been downed.
Girkin insists that the rebels who were under his command did not bring down MH17.
''I asked Girkin if this moral responsibility that he feels could possibly mean that Russia was the one to blame, but he refused to comment any further,'' Galina reports.
Watch her update in the video player above.
VIDEO-Sheila D on Twitter: "@grahambsi @adamcurry @THErealDVORAK" / Twitter
VIDEO-Sidney Powell Discusses the Ongoing Persecution of Michael Flynn With Lou Dobbs'... | The Last Refuge
Thu, 21 May 2020 04:07
And never more beautiful.IMHO,The original 302, and agent Pientka, will never see the light of day.
Because the 302 is the KEY piece of evidence, needed to charge Stroxz, Page McCabe and unamed co-conspitators with Conspiracy to tamper with evidence and Conspiracy to Obstruct Justice, and possibly Conspiracy to commit misprision of felony.
Without the original 302, testimony under oath by the AUTHOR of the original 302, testifying under oath would be the alternative, although obviously not as good as the document.
In order to prove, in Court, beyond a reasonable doubt that the 302 was materially altered, you MUST have the original.
This is, I believe the hook Durham can hang his hat on; Barr said people will be indicted IF we have sufficient evidence to prove they committed a crime.
Hence my suspicion we will never see the original 302, or Pientka testifying.
As for the District Court responding to the Mandamus (or as I like to call it ''Sullivans MAD at Us!) Filing, I can't see the court denying it, as Sidney said after the recent ruling. And, if they don't WANT to grant it, they will simply do nothing, for as long as possible.
These ARE 'Lawyers', or at least people who studied and know the law.They know what KEY pieces of evidence any reasonable Prosecutor would HAVE to have, to make a Prosecution stick.
Eliminate those (and yes, its tampering with evidence, but given the charges they are avoiding,'...whats one more?
Knowing whats IN the documents they have been blocking, we would probably be able to see that likewise, they are key pieces of evidence NEEDED to prosecute crimes.
So, unable to contain everything, to contain it totally, they allowed much out, while focusing on those things which demonstrate culpability.
Hence, the portion of Rices email to self which remained classified for so long, without any justification.
I think Barrs statement that Durhams investigation will not involve criminal investigations of Obama and Biden was disengenuous;
I believe the thrust of Durhams investigations will be a massive Declination memo; a ''Durham report''.
It will contain MUCH ''damning information'', but will spell out, in any charges that would be made against any of the coupists, that KEY, VITAL pieces of evidence don't exist.Hence, NO indictments or prosecutions.
I truly believe, in much the way the Mueller Weismann team TRIED to trigger PDJT into firing them (aka the ''Costanza gambit'') there is a coordinated action to trigger PDJT into firing Barr, and personally taking charge of the DOJ,'....So they can impeach him for Abuse of Power and Obstruction of Justice,'.....again.
They hope that THIS time, the charges will give Senate Republicon leadership political cover, to SAY theycwould vote to convict.
Sullivans behavior, Barrs behavior are both to the same end, of this goal.
Its the Ongoing Coup, is what we should call it, as like terrorists they know they just have to succeed ONCE.IMHO,..
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VIDEO - Dr. Fauci's #PassTheMic Campaign Will Take Over Julia Roberts' Social Media Accounts | HuffPost
Wed, 20 May 2020 20:29
Celebrities really are just like us '-- they are not experts on the coronavirus pandemic.
That's why Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases and member of the White House coronavirus task force, has teamed up with actors Julia Roberts, Hugh Jackman, Millie Bobby Brown and other self-aware A-listers for the #PassTheMic campaign.
As part of the campaign, each participating celebrity will hand over their social media accounts to a COVID-19 expert for a day so you can hear important facts about how to end the pandemic from ''people who actually know what they're talking about,'' according to the promotional video below.
The campaign begins on Thursday, with Fauci taking over Roberts' accounts, and will run for three weeks.
Yemi Alade, Connie Britton, Danai Gurira, David Oyelowo, Sarah Jessica Parker, Busy Philipps, Rita Wilson, Robin Wright and more will also surrender their Instagram, Facebook and Twitter accounts for a day to front-line workers and health and economic experts.
The campaign, announced Wednesday, is part of the ONE World Campaign and calls for a global response to the coronavirus that protects the most vulnerable and most economically affected populations, and also strengthens health systems in case a pandemic occurs again. It's run by ONE, a global campaign to end extreme poverty and preventable disease by 2030.
Calling all HuffPost superfans!
Sign up for membership to become a founding member and help shape HuffPost's next chapter
VIDEO-GregGutfeld on Twitter: "you could tell he'd been waiting to let this out. good for him." / Twitter
Wed, 20 May 2020 17:31
Log in Sign up GregGutfeld @ greggutfeld you could tell he'd been waiting to let this out. good for him.
twitter.com/KyleKashuv/sta'... 12:48 PM - 20 May 2020 Kyle Kashuv @ KyleKashuv
1h Replying to
@greggutfeld he's been waiting all week to bodyslam that pi±ata
View conversation · Kyle Hilow @ kylechilow
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@KyleKashuv @greggutfeld He obliterated it!! ð'ª
View conversation · Jessica Pearson @ jpearson808
3h Replying to
@greggutfeld I honestly could never in my life ever be a politician. the amount of cursing that would come out of my mouth anytime someone pissed me off - people would think I was raised in a prison ð¤...ð>>''¸
View conversation · Emanuel @ Emanuel93690305
2h Replying to
@jpearson808 @greggutfeld Out of respect for Vice President Pence he held back. Now if he wasn't there then he would of probably gone full gangster on the press
pic.twitter.com/PSsVoScAMg View conversation · Liberated Peasant #8,675,309 @ NameRed55794014
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@greggutfeld Potus #46 gave a nice beat down
View conversation · Todd Siebels @ ToddSiebels
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@NameRed55794014 @greggutfeld I love knowing our country is stacked with real leaders. He made me want to move to Florida.
View conversation · Al @ dcshootscore
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@greggutfeld @BonginoReport A true leader. The media holds up Cuomo like the second coming. This man saved lives. Cuomo is blaming anyone he can for his negligence.
View conversation · William Tesauro @ mrpurpl2468
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@dcshootscore @greggutfeld @BonginoReport Cuomo really should be sent to prison for his negligence.
View conversation · diana moore @ dimoore1989
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@greggutfeld Keep up the great work Gov Desantis, and keep kicking their liberal A$$es!!
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@greggutfeld GOOD FOR HIM!!!! FLORIDA IS OPEN and he did an amazing job!!!
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VIDEO-Wait, what? Here's how Chris Cuomo purportedly got his hands on the 'less safe version' of hydroxychloroquine [screenshots]; UPDATE: It gets weirder [video]
Wed, 20 May 2020 16:56
As Twitchy told you, Kayleigh McEnany took Chris Cuomo to the woodshed this afternoon over his mockery of Donald Trump professing to be taking hydroxychloroquine. McEnany pointed out that Cuomo '-- and his wife '-- had taken quinine, a ''less safe version'' that's been off the market for years:
.@PressSec calls out @ChrisCuomo for criticizing Trump for taking hydroxychloroquine, an FDA approved drug, while Cuomo himself took a "less safe version" of hydroxychloroquine to treat his case of COVID-19. pic.twitter.com/zqMEU65RvP
'-- Julio Rosas (@Julio_Rosas11) May 20, 2020
The Daily Caller's Greg Price was all over Cuomo's hydroxy-hypocrisy yesterday:
CNN's @ChrisCuomo mocked Trump yesterday for using chloroquine as a preventive treatment for Covid-19.
As it turns out, he used a synthetic derivative of chloroquine in his own corona treatment regimen according to his wife's blog posts.
I present, a very Fredo story. pic.twitter.com/ONmKVqQVY1
'-- Greg Price (@greg_price11) May 19, 2020
Chloroquine is a derivative of quinine. A derivative that, unlike quinine, is actually regularly prescribed as a treatment for certain conditions like lupus.
This story really is so very Fredo.
And there's still more Fredo-ness where that came from. As Price also points out, Mr. and Mrs. Cuomo didn't exactly go through ideal channels to obtain their quinine:
If you're wondering how Chris Cuomo obtained quinine, a version of chloroquine, that the FDA took off the market, his wife's blog says that she enlisted the help of an "energy medicine physician" who apparently makes it in her lab ð pic.twitter.com/3XNuZ0Q2o2
'-- Greg Price (@greg_price11) May 20, 2020
Uhhh '...
Oh. https://t.co/x8PQQAq1mV
'-- Mickey White (@BiasedGirl) May 20, 2020
Well that seems completely normal.
'-- ðºð¸ð Lisa '¨¸ Keyboard Warrior 𥸠McGððºð¸ (@LisaMcGov) May 20, 2020
tRUsT tHe ExpERtS
'-- Mitch Fletcher ðºð¸ (@MitchFletcher4) May 20, 2020
pic.twitter.com/J4CO6a2C5r
'-- Linda Fuller (@FullJas305) May 20, 2020
Sad!
Fortunately for Chris Cuomo, CNN has demonstrated over and over again that they'll put up with pretty much whatever shenanigans he pulls.
In a normal world, @CNN would suspend Chris Cuomo for embarassing the network like this.
But CNN isn't a real news organization with a reputation to uphold. https://t.co/alArxRuHP9
'-- RBe (@RBPundit) May 20, 2020
***
Update:
Didn't think it could get any weirder? Think again:
Mrs. Cuomo's coronavirus treatments also included the use of a "body charger" which she used on the recommendation of an "energy specialist" pic.twitter.com/Vha6GmtoZr
'-- Greg Price (@greg_price11) May 20, 2020
So'... this is the "Doctor" that Chris Cuomo's wife was getting coronavirus treatment advice from that included bathing in bleach'...https://t.co/HThU8SXuSm pic.twitter.com/wcS8TV0pG5
'-- Greg Price (@greg_price11) May 20, 2020
VIDEO-BOOM. Kayleigh McEnany 'just laid out a MOAB on Susan Rice' at the WH briefing (WATCH)
Wed, 20 May 2020 16:39
As we told you this afternoon, Kayleigh McEnany's White House press conference featured a self-awareness dropkick of CNN's Chris Cuomo after his criticism of Trump using hydroxychloroquine.
Next, a reporter had a question about Susan Rice, which came after the story of her now-infamous inauguration day email written to herself took another twist today. McEnany was well prepared for the topic:
Just in case anyone missed it .. White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany just laid out a MOAB on Susan Rice establishing that she's a liar .. then tells the press.. that's all and have a nice day !
I LOVE THS WOMAN !
'-- ð'ð'ð'ð' ðºð¸ð¸ð´ (@LeahR77) May 20, 2020
Nice of the reporter to broach the subject. Here's the video:
.@PressSec calls out Susan Rice for her lies surrounding the Flynn Unmasking and for Emailing herself on Inauguration day emphasizing that they did things "By the Book" pic.twitter.com/kRflPgiNyG
'-- Benny (@bennyjohnson) May 20, 2020
That's gonna leave a mark.
These guys need to stop playing gotcha with @kayleighmcenany
'-- Greg Lomax (@lomax_greg) May 20, 2020
Probably not the day to bring up @AmbassadorRice @whca https://t.co/aGay2uCRog
'-- David Lewis (@DavidLewisTN) May 20, 2020
VIDEO-Karl Rove breaks down what Susan Rice's email says about Comey - YouTube
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VIDEO - VOTER FRAUD: Patrick Howley Interviews Citizen Journalist Exposing Mass Voter Fraud in Texas - YouTube
VIDEO-AG Barr Not So Confident in FBI Director Chris Wray Anymore '' Video'... | The Last Refuge
Wed, 20 May 2020 07:37
More than a week after CBS first constructed their editorial narrative they finally released the full interview between Catherine Herridge and AG Bill Barr. Many people read the transcript; however, thankfully Michael Sheridan excerpts a portion of the video that doesn't come across in the transcript.
When the attorney general is questioned about ''still having confidence'' in FBI Director Christopher Wray, a newly articulated hesitancy is visible that doesn't come across in the transcript. WATCH :
.
Since February 2019 Bill Barr has been a staunch and very public defender of Chris Wray. However, with new revelations about recent FBI efforts to block the release of information as it relates to Michael Flynn, it now appears the AG has less confidence.
This shift is important because as the public have a renewed focused on the question of who illegally leaked Flynn's communication with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak, there has always been a rather curious contrast issue with the known classified intelligence leaking of James Wolfe. If finding Flynn's leaker is important then why didn't the DOJ/FBI take action when they found a classified intelligence leaker in 2018?
The position of Bill Barr today is a direct result of decisions made by the DOJ and FBI in the Fall of 2017 & Summer of 2018. The events surrounding the leaking of the FISA warrant used against U.S. person Carter Page, and the 2018 DOJ decision not to prosecute SSCI Security Director James Wolfe for those leaks.
The Summer of 2018 was the fork in the road for the DOJ and FBI.
Attorney General Jeff Session was recused, Deputy AG Rod Rosenstein was in charge and the Mueller investigation was ongoing. That was when the DOJ made a decision not to prosecute Wolfe for leaking classified information. DC U.S. Attorney Jessie Liu signed-off on a plea deal where Wolfe plead guilty to only a single count of lying to the FBI.
If the DOJ had pursued the case against Wolfe for leaking the FISA application, everything would have been different. The American electorate would have seen evidence of what was taking place in the background effort to remove President Trump. We would be in an entirely different place today if that prosecution or trial had taken place.
Three 2018 events revealed the Wolfe issue:
EVENT ONE '' On February 9th, 2018, the media reported on text messages from 2017 between Senate Intelligence Committee Vice-Chairman Mark Warner and Chris Steele's lawyer, a lobbyist named Adam Waldman.
EVENT TWO '' Four months after the Mark Warner texts were made public, on June 8th, 2018, another headline story surfaced. An indictment for Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Security Director James Wolfe was unsealed on June 7th, 2018.
EVENT THREE '' Slightly less than two months after release of the Wolfe indictment, another headline story. On July 21st, 2018, the DOJ/FBI declassified and publicly released the FISA application(s) used against former Trump campaign advisor Carter Page.
'... Later on December 14th 2018 a fourth albeit buried public release confirmed everything. The FBI filed a sentencing recommendation proving it was the Carter Page FISA that was leaked by Wolfe:
A prosecution of Wolfe would have exposed a complicit conspiracy between corrupt U.S. intelligence actors and the United States senate (SSCI). Two branches of government essentially working on one objective; the removal of a sitting president. The DOJ decision not to prosecute Wolfe for leaking the classified FISA application protected multiple U.S. agencies and congress.
In 2018 DAG Rod Rosenstein could not prosecute James Wolfe without exposing 'seditious' activity within the U.S. government itself. Not pretend sedition or theoretical sedition, but an actual pre-planned subversive operation with forethought and malice.
The 2018 decision in the Wolfe case is critical. That's the fork in the road. If the Wolfe prosecution had continued it would have undoubtedly surfaced that key government officials and politicians were working together (executive and legislative).
Additionally, amid a series of documents released by the Senate Judiciary Committee [SEE HERE] there is a rather alarming letter from the DOJ to the FISA Court in July 2018 that points toward another institutional cover-up. [Link to Letter]
In the cover letter for this specific release to the Senate Judiciary and Senate Intelligence committees, the DOJ cites the January 7, 2020, FISA court order:
Keep in mind that prior to this release only the FISA court had seen this letter from the DOJ-National Security Division (DOJ-NSD). As we walk through the alarming content of this letter I think you'll identify the motive behind the FISC order to release it.
First, the letter in question was sent by the DOJ-NSD to the FISA Court on July 12, 2018. It is critical to keep the date of the letter in mind as we review the content.
Aside from the date the important part of the first page is the motive for sending it. The DOJ is telling the court in July 2018: based on what they know the FISA application still contains ''sufficient predication for the Court to have found probable cause'' to approve the application. The DOJ is defending the Carter Page FISA application as still valid.
However, it is within the justification of the application that alarm bells are found. On page six the letter identifies the primary participants behind the FISA redactions:
As you can see: Christopher Steele is noted as ''Source #1''. Glenn Simpson of Fusion-GPS is noted as ''identified U.S. person'' or ''business associate''; and Perkins Coie is the ''U.S-based law firm.''
Now things get very interesting.
On page #8 when discussing Christopher Steele's sub-source, the DOJ notes the FBI found him to be truthful and cooperative.
This is an incredibly misleading statement to the FISA court because what the letter doesn't say is that 18-months earlier the sub-source, also known in the IG report as the ''primary sub-source'', informed the FBI that the material attributed to him in the dossier was essentially junk.
Let's look at how the IG report frames the primary sub-source, and specifically notice the FBI contact and questioning took place in January 2017 (we now know that date to be January 12, 2017):
Those interviews with Steele's primary sub-source took place in January, March and May of 2017; and clearly the sub-source debunked the content of the dossier itself.
Those interviews were 18-months, 16-months and 14-months ahead of the July 2018 DOJ letter to the FISC. The DOJ-NSD says the sub-source was ''truthful and cooperative'' but the DOJ doesn't tell the court the content of the truthfulness and cooperation. Why?
Keep in mind this letter to the court was written by AAG John Demers in July 2018. Jeff Sessions was Attorney General, Rod Rosenstein was Deputy AG; Christopher Wray was FBI Director, David Bowditch is Deputy, and Dana Boente is FBI chief-legal-counsel.
Why would the DOJ-NSD not be forthcoming with the FISA court about the primary sub-source? This level of disingenuous withholding of information speaks to an institutional motive.
By July 2018 the DOJ clearly knew the dossier was full of fabrications, yet they withheld that information from the court and said the predicate was still valid. Why?
It doesn't take a deep-weeds-walker to identify the DOJ motive.
In July 2018 Robert Mueller's investigation was at its apex.
This letter justifying the application and claiming the current information would still be a valid predicate therein, speaks to the 2018 DOJ needing to retain the validity of the FISA warrant'.... My research suspicion is that the DOJ needed to protect evidence Mueller had already extracted from the fraudulent FISA authority. That's the motive.
In July 2018 if the DOJ-NSD had admitted the FISA application and all renewals were fatally flawed Robert Mueller would have needed to withdraw any evidence gathered as a result of its exploitation. The DOJ in 2018 was protecting Mueller's poisoned fruit.
If the DOJ had been honest with the court, there's a strong possibility some, perhaps much, of Mueller evidence gathering would have been invalidated'... and cases were pending. The solution: mislead the court and claim the predication was still valid.
This is not simply a hunch, because that motive also speaks to why the FISC would order the current DOJ to release the letter.
Remember, in December the FISC received the IG Horowitz report; and they would have immediately noted the disparity between what IG Horowitz outlined about the FBI investigating Steele's sub-source, as contrast against what the DOJ told them in July 2018.
The DOJ letter is a transparent misrepresentation when compared to the information in the Horowitz report. Hence, the court orders the DOJ to release the July letter so that everyone, including congressional oversight and the public can see the misrepresentation.
The court was misled; now everyone can see it.
The content of that DOJ-NSD letter, and the subsequent disparity, points to an institutional decision in 2018; and as a consequence the FISC ordered the DOJ to begin an immediate sequestration effort in January 2020 to find all the evidence from the fraudulent FISA application. The proverbial fruit from the poisonous tree'.... And yes, that is ongoing.
Thus ample reason for Attorney General Bill Barr to reevaluate any confidence in FBI Director Christopher Wray.
Two more big misstatements within the July 2018 letter appear on page #9. The first is the DOJ claiming that only after the application was filed did they become aware of Christopher Steele working for Fusion-GPS and knowing his intent was to create opposition research for the Hillary Clinton campaign. See the top of the page.
According to the DOJ-NSD claim the number four ranking official in the DOJ, Bruce Ohr, never told them he was acting as a conduit for Christopher Steele to the FBI. While that claim is hard to believe, in essence what the DOJ-NSD is saying in that paragraph is that the FBI hoodwinked the DOJ-NSD by not telling them where the information for the FISA application was coming from. The DOJ, via John Demers, is blaming the FBI.
The second statement, equally as incredulous, is at the bottom of page nine where the DOJ claims they had no idea Bruce Ohr was talking to the FBI throughout the entire time any of the FISA applications were being submitted. October 2016 through June 2017.
In essence the claim there is that Bruce Ohr was working with the FBI and never told anyone in the DOJ throughout 2016 and all the way past June 29th of 2017. That denial seems rather unlikely; however, once again the DOJ-NSD is putting the FBI in the crosshairs and claiming they knew nothing about the information pipeline.
Bruce Ohr, whose wife was working for Fusion-GPS and assisting Christopher Steele with information, was interviewed by the FBI over a dozen times as he communicated with Steele and fed his information to the FBI. Yet the DOJ claims they knew nothing about it.
Again, just keep in mind this claim by the DOJ-NSD is being made in July 2018, six months after Bruce Ohr was demoted twice (December 2017 and January 2018). If what the DOJ is saying is true, well, the FBI was completely off-the-rails and rogue.
Neither option speaks well about the integrity of either institution; and quite frankly I don't buy the DOJ-NSD spin. Why? The reason is simple, the DOJ is claiming in the letter the predication was still valid'... if the DOJ-NSD genuinely didn't know about the FBI manipulation, they would be informing the court in 2018 the DOJ no longer supported the FISA application due to new information. They did not do that. Instead, in July 2018, they specifically told the court the predicate was valid, yet the DOJ-NSD knew it was not.
The last point about the July 2018 letter is perhaps the most jarring. Again, keep in mind when it was written Chris Wray is FBI Director, David Bowditch is Deputy and Dana Boente is FBI chief legal counsel.
Their own FBI reports, by three different INSD and IG investigations; had turned up seriously alarming evidence going back to the early 2017 time-frame; the results of which ultimately led to the DC FBI office losing all of their top officials; and knowing the letter itself was full of misleading and false information about FBI knowledge in/around Christopher Steele; this particular sentence is alarming:
''The FBI has reviewed this letter and confirmed its factual accuracy?''Really?
As we have just shared, the July 2018 letter itself is filled with factual inaccuracies, misstatements and intentional omissions. So who exactly did the ''reviewing''?
This declassification release raised more questions than any other in recent memory.
As we said at the time of the release, perhaps AG Bill Barr will now start asking some rather hard questions to FBI Director Christopher Wray.
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VIDEO - Joe Rogan's podcast is becoming a Spotify exclusive - The Verge
Tue, 19 May 2020 13:57
Joe Rogan, comedian and host of one of the most popular podcasts in the world, is taking his show to Spotify. The Joe Rogan Experience will soon become a Spotify exclusive, meaning episodes' full audio and video will only be available through the platform starting later this year. Up until now, Rogan's show has never been available on Spotify, let alone exclusive to any platform.
The show will become available on Spotify globally starting on September 1st, and it'll become an exclusive sometime after that point. Listeners won't have to pay to access the episodes, but they will have to become Spotify users. Spotify said in a press release that Rogan retains creative control over his show. It didn't disclose how much it spent on the deal. The company will also work with an ad agency to jointly sell ads against the program. Rogan said last year his show reached about 190 million downloads a month.
Rogan's YouTube channel will remain live, but it won't contain full episodes. There might be clips or other supplementary content which could benefit from YouTube's search algorithm and push people to listen to full episodes on Spotify.
The show comes to Spotify on September 1st
This is a massive get for Spotify, which has made podcasting a core focus. It acquired Gimlet Media, Anchor, and Parcast last year, to start, and then signed more Spotify-exclusive deals. It's working with the Obamas' production company exclusively and committed to deals with other big names, like Joe Budden and Amy Schumer, and acquired The Ringer.
Although exclusive deals seem to be the company's main listener acquisition strategy, Spotify didn't immediately move Gimlet shows to an exclusive model. Instead, it produced ancillary, exclusive content like Gimlet Academy and extra Reply All episodes while keeping existing shows widely available. In this case, the company will seemingly move relatively quickly to make Rogan a Spotify-only offering.
Spotify's podcast ambitions always directly targeted Apple, which, up until now, has been the biggest name in podcast players. But with the Rogan deal, Spotify also has another new target: YouTube. When it began testing its video podcasting feature earlier this month, it did so with the backing of two popular YouTubers. Rogan is one of the most popular YouTube podcasters, often with millions of people watching each episode, so losing his voice on the platform is a major hit to YouTube and a big gain for Spotify.
VIDEO-$1 billion of US taxpayers' money in exchange for maintaining Burisma schemes - YouTube
VIDEO-Anderson Cooper 360° on Twitter: "''I would rather he not be taking something that has not been approved by the scientists, especially in his age group, and in his, shall we say, weight group: 'Morbidly obese,' they say,'' says House Speaker
Tue, 19 May 2020 13:04
''I would rather he not be taking something that has not been approved by the scientists, especially in his age group, and in his, shall we say, weight group: 'Morbidly obese,' they say,'' says House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on Pres. Trump's revelation he is taking hydroxychloroquine.
pic.twitter.com/0ImjpEjg9q
VIDEO-India and China Fight Border Conflict - YouTube
VIDEO - Joe Biden finally makes up nickname for Trump: 'President Tweety'
Tue, 19 May 2020 12:41
May 19, 2020 | 9:06am | Updated May 19, 2020 | 11:00am
Presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden has finally unveiled his moniker for 2020 rival President Trump, saying he calls his general election opponent ''President Tweety.''
Biden revealed the nickname Monday while speaking to the Asian American and Pacific Islanders Victory Fund, remarking, ''Trump is out there tweeting again this morning. I call him 'President Tweety.'''
The ex-VP made the comment when talking about what he thought the president should be focused on as opposed to spending his time on Twitter.
Speaking about Trump's vocal desire to reopen the country, Biden asked, ''How are we supposed to do that if you're sitting on the money small businesses need? Stop tweeting about it, get the money out to Main Street.''
Trump, a frequent poster on the social media platform, has referred to Biden as ''Sleepy Joe'' throughout the 2020 campaign.
The commander-in-chief became known during the 2016 presidential election for his political nicknames, including ''Crooked Hillary'' Clinton, ''Lyin' Ted'' Cruz and ''Little Marco'' Rubio.
Biden said last week he was resisting giving a nickname to his foe, telling Snapchat in an interview posted to Vanity Fair that he viewed Trump as ''a master at laying nicknames on people.''
''In terms of energy, I don't have any problem comparing my energy level to Donald Trump, who I'm really resisting giving a nickname to,'' he added to the host of ''Good Luck America,'' Snapchat's daily political show.
Trump has not yet responded to his new nickname from Biden.
VIDEO - American Idol Finale. Is Ryan Seacrest okay? His eye? - YouTube
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VIDEO - (7) David J Harris Jr on Twitter: "Hey @TeamCavuto! Why don't you stop your fear mongering and keep your uneducated medical opinions to yourself! @drdrew sets the record straight! President @realDonaldTrump was right! #Trump https://t.co/QeqFon3
Tue, 19 May 2020 09:04
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VIDEO - Joe Biden discusses how he had the top of his head cut off - YouTube
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VIDEO - Truth Over Facts - YouTube
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VIDEO-Steve Guest on Twitter: "Pelosi is 80 & she has the maturity level of a 5 year old. Pelosi: "I would rather he not be taking something that has not been approved by the scientists, especially in his age group & in his, shall we say, weight g
Mon, 18 May 2020 22:20
Log in Sign up Steve Guest @ SteveGuest pic.twitter.com/H7iLJKKxE5 6:14 PM - 18 May 2020 Twitter by: Steve Guest @SteveGuest NanaNanaFoFana @ MCorritori
2h Replying to
@SteveGuest So Nancy is telling all the people using HCQ for lupus and RA that they should not be using it if they are older and overweight. Her medical degree came from where?
View conversation · zach cleghern @ zcleghern
2h Replying to
@MCorritori @SteveGuest no, she didnt say that
View conversation · Sonlight @ BillyBoysDaddy
1h Replying to
@SteveGuest @FriendlyJMC and
2 others Can't wait for
@realDonaldTrump responding to
@SpeakerPelosi's nasty remark .....ðºð¸
pic.twitter.com/Bsg9CqWNDh View conversation · TexasJan''¤¸ðºð¸HoardingMyLibertiesð·ð'ªð¼ @ FriendlyJMC
57m Replying to
@BillyBoysDaddy @SteveGuest and
2 others #PlasticPelosi has one more facelift until her eyebrows is her hairline
View conversation · Jason Frereðºð¸ @ TheGrassyN0le
2h Replying to
@SteveGuest Yet they idolize this
pic.twitter.com/gBykM6vfPd View conversation · Ð'riаn Gɾоss @ keizers1015
24m Replying to
@TheGrassyN0le @SteveGuest It was a remark about his medical condition. Same would go for Abrams.
View conversation · Average Non Gym Person @ gym_non
2h Replying to
@SteveGuest I was literally thinking, wow they have really come a long way with animatronics and wax figures.
View conversation · Jason Thomas @ JasonThomas01
2h Replying to
@SteveGuest @mattdizwhitlock Phone call for Nancy.... It's Jerry Nadler.
View conversation · Jerry Mathers as The Beaver @ MathersAs
1h Replying to
@JasonThomas01 @SteveGuest @mattdizwhitlock He's even had a gastric bypass (or something similar) and he's STILL a lardass.
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VIDEO-Nobel Prize Winner Challenges The Myths About Aids - YouTube
VIDEO - Sen. Kennedy: Republicans Tried To See Coronavirus Relief Pelosi's Way, 'But We Can't Get Our Heads That Far Up Our Rear Ends' | The Daily Caller
Mon, 18 May 2020 08:05
Republican Louisiana Sen. John Kennedy called the House Democrats' latest attempt at coronavirus relief ''dead as fried chicken.''
Kennedy explained his reasoning during a conversation with Maria Bartiromo on ''Sunday Morning Futures.'' (RELATED: John Kennedy Blasts Chinese Communist Party's 'Casual Relationship With The Truth')
WATCH:
Bartiromo asked Kennedy directly why he would say that the bill, which proposes another $3 trillion in relief spending, was ''dead as fried chicken.''
''That's $3 trillion,'' Kennedy began, listing the zeros one by one for impact. ''It's not going to pass the Senate nor should it. My fellow Republicans in the Senate have tried to see things from the Speaker's point of view, but we can't get our heads that far up our rear ends, and I think any fair-minded American would agree, once they read the bill.''
Bartiromo asked about the fact that a number of the provisions in the bill appeared to have no relation to coronavirus at all, and Kennedy was quick to respond to that as well.
''Well it's not a coronavirus bill as much as it is an effort by the Speaker and her colleagues to rewrite the rules for American society. This bill, her bill would rewrite our immigration laws, her bill would federalize elections, our elections have always been run by states and local governments. Her bill would begin the process of federalizing the elections,'' Kennedy explained.
''It mentions dope more than it talks about jobs. I think it references cannabis like 68 times. It would expand Obamacare and let me end as I began,'' Kennedy concluded. ''It would cost $3 trillion. That's 3,000 billion. We just spent $3 trillion, we need to see how that works first.''
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VIDEO-Attorney General Barr & FBI Director Wray Hold News Conference | C-SPAN.org
Mon, 18 May 2020 14:39
May 18, 2020 2020-05-18T11:06:53-04:00 https://images.c-span.org/Files/677/20200518110742001_hd.jpg Attorney General William Barr and FBI Director Christopher Wray held a news conference to provide an update on the December 2019 Pensacola, Florida Naval Air Station shooting investigation. Attorney General Barr said the FBI was able to successfully unlock the shooter's cell phones, which uncovered evidence establishing he had ''significant ties to al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula.''Attorney General William Barr and FBI Director Christopher Wray held a news conference to provide an update on the December 2019 Pensacola, Florida Naval Air'... read more
Attorney General William Barr and FBI Director Christopher Wray held a news conference to provide an update on the December 2019 Pensacola, Florida Naval Air Station shooting investigation. Attorney General Barr said the FBI was able to successfully unlock the shooter's cell phones, which uncovered evidence establishing he had ''significant ties to al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula.'' close
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*This transcript was compiled from uncorrected Closed Captioning.
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Sunday Talks: President Trump Discusses China's Cover-Up of Wuhan Virus '' The Economic Consequences Will Now Increase'... | The Last Refuge
Mon, 18 May 2020 00:10
A visibly angered President Trump told Maria Bartiromo he ''doesn't want to talk to China right now'' and expresses a more open opinion that we should just decouple from all economic attachment to China. This is a seismic shift in tone toward Beijing.
All administration policy and economic influence is now targeted to remove Chinese manufacturing from the U.S. supply chain. President Trump and white house officials openly discussing a U.S. effort to decouple from China is a significant shift.
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President Trump has been creating a dual position for several years; this is very unique because it is the same strategy used by China. By expressing a panda face, yet concealing the underlying dragon, President Trump's policy to China is a mirror of themselves.
Historic Chinese geopolitical policy, vis-a-vis their totalitarian control over political sentiment (action) and diplomacy through silence, is evident in the strategic use of the space between carefully chosen words, not just the words themselves.
Each time China takes aggressive action (red dragon) China projects a panda face through silence and non-response to opinion of that action;'.... and the action continues. The red dragon has a tendency to say one necessary thing publicly, while manipulating another necessary thing privately. The Art of War.
President Trump is the first U.S. President to understand how the red dragon hides behind the panda mask.
First he got their attention with tariffs. Then'... On one hand President Trump has engaged in very public and friendly trade negotiations with China (panda approach); yet on the other hand, long before the Wuhan virus, Trump fractured their global supply chains, influenced the movement of industrial goods to alternate nations, and incentivized an exodus of manufacturing (dragon result).
It is specifically because he understands that Panda is a mask that President Trump messages warmth toward the Chinese people, and pours vociferous praise upon Xi Jinping, while simultaneously confronting the geopolitical doctrine of the Xi regime.
In essence Trump has mirrored the behavior of China while confronting their economic duplicity.
There is no doubt in my mind that President Trump has a very well thought out long-term strategy regarding China. In the background of his action there has always been a duality in position; in my opinion Trump was always preparing to fully disconnect from China.
As part of the careful withdrawal President Trump used strategic messaging toward the people of china very importantly. Trump has, very publicly, complimented the friendship he feels toward President Xi Jinping; and praised Chairman Xi for his character, strength and purposeful leadership.
To build upon that projected and strategic message '' President Trump seeded the background by appointing Ambassador Terry Branstad, a 30-year personal friend of President Xi Jinping.
To enhance and amplify the message '' and broadcast cultural respect '' President Trump used Mar-a-Lago as the venue for their first visit, not the White House. And President Trump's beautiful granddaughter, Arabella, sweetly serenaded the Chinese First Family twice in Mandarin Chinese song showing the utmost respect for the guests and later for the hosts.
All of this activity mirrors the duplicity of China. However, from the November 2017 tour of Asia to the January 2020 China phase-1 trade deal, President Trump has been positioning, for an economic decoupling and a complete realignment of global trade and manufacturing.
After years of careful positioning while unwinding the economic dependency; and while warning U.S. multinationals to prepare themselves financially for a significant shift in position toward China; President Trump has now fully triggered the decoupling phase.
COVID-19 is the perfect global justification needed for the financial markets to remain stable and understand what comes next'...
White House Manufacturing Policy Advisor Peter Navarro and U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer will be the two primary enforcement officials.
BLOOMBERG '' Five months and a global pandemic later, Lighthizer isn't using words like integrated anymore about China. In an opinion piece in the New York Times late Monday, he casts new doubt about whether such economic symbiosis is actually the end the Trump administration is now seeking.
In the article, China isn''t his only villain. The USTR likened the American capitalists who sought cheaper ways of production in places like China, Vietnam and Indonesia to a mass migration of rodents. Over the past few decades, those who weren't egged on by Wall Street analysts and management consultants were ''simply swept up by the herd mentality of their peers'' '-- all to benefit shareholders rather than workers, he said.
''The era of reflexive offshoring is over, and with it the old overzealous emphasis on efficiency and the concomitant lack of concern for the jobs that were lost,'' Lighthizer wrote. ''After we have defeated this disease and reopened our economy, we cannot forget the hard lessons learned from this misguided experiment.''
What Lighthizer says matters, of course, because he's the top trade policy voice in a Trump administration where some officials want to leverage the outbreak to go harder on China.
But perhaps even more important is the timing of Lighthizer's pronouncement. His boss is unhappy with China for the damage the coronavirus is causing to the U.S. economy. (read more)
